Previous scholarship has long concentrated on the behaviors of belligerents during regime-dissident interactions. While much of the progress in the literature concentrated on the micro-level processes of this relationship, little research has focused on providing a theoretical reasoning on why belligerents choose to act in a particular manner. This project attempts to open the black box of decision making for regimes and dissidents during regime-dissident interactions in order to provide a theoretical justification for the behaviors of the belligerents involved. Moreover, this project argues that there is a relationship between the lower level events of political violence and civil war as the events at earlier stages of the conflict influence the possible outcome of civil conflict. Regimes and dissidents alike are strategic actors who conduct themselves in a manner to ensure their survival while concurrently attempting to succeed at achieving their respective goals. Although all authoritarian regimes are similar in their differences to democracies, there are significant differences between the regimes, which influence the decision making of the regime leader to ensure the survival of the political institution. In addition to influencing the decision calculus of the regimes, the behavior of the regimes impacts the probability of civil war at later stages of the interaction. Conversely, dissidents also perform as strategic actors in an attempt to gain their preferred concessions and outcomes. Although their comprehension of the coercive capacity of a regime is limited, their knowledge of the repressive capacity of the regime provides them with the understanding of their future fate if they escalate to violence against the regime. This project is conducted using two theories on regime and dissident actions and responses, two large-N empirical analyses of regime and dissident behaviors during nonviolent and violent dissident campaigns from 1945-2006, and two historical case studies of Egypt and Syria during the Arab Spring as well as the period preceding the uprising.

The aim of this thesis is to study how electoral authoritarian regimes remain resilient over time, by observing how they handle challenges to their rule. More specifically, the thesis will focus on the strategies used to legitimize further rule. This will be achieved by conducting a case study on Rwanda and investigating how the Rwandan government uses insecurity and threat perception to legitimize further rule during the period 2010-2019. The theoretical framework consists of both Andreas Schedler’s definition of an electoral authoritarian regime as well as securitization theory. The material used is speech acts by important actors from the time period in question as well as law changes and information on how existing laws are used. With the use of critical discourse analysis, the thesis concludes that the Rwandan government has developed a discourse of traitor/patriot by securitizing traitors, strategically varying in intensity throughout the time period. Political opposition is effectively repressed by referring to the threats mentioned in the speech acts. To successfully circumvent the main flaw of electoral authoritarian regimes according to Schedler’s theory (uncertainty), the Rwandan government creates uncertainties themselves and then refers to the very same uncertainties to legitimize continuous rule.

The diploma thesis deals with pair of domestic regimes known as the second and third | Czechoslovakian republic. The choice of these periods of the national history was conditioned by a relative absence of comparative political scientific works on these periods and by timelessness and topicality of the studying of domestic regimes, that refused the idea of a liberal democracy twice in ten years. The goal of the diploma thesis is to analyze, compare and categorize the second and the third Czechoslovakian republic in the framework provided by the theory of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes by Juan J. Linz. In the first part the thesis describes the theoretical framework of the theory of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes with stress on the theory of authoritarian regimes, as it is the assumption of the thesis, that both the second and the third republic were cases of authoritarian regimes. The other parts of theory which deal with totalitarian and sultanistic regimes are only briefly mentioned. In the second part of the thesis there is an analysis and comparison of both regimes based on three research questions. In this part the thesis deals with the relationship of both studied regimes with the first republic and their relationship with a liberal democracy, then it deals with the very analysis in...

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O presente estudo analisa as formas como os familiares de pessoas mortas e desaparecidas durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil (1964-1985) se organizaram para reivindicar: 1º) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelas violações aos direitos humanos praticadas em nome do regime autoritário; 2º) a apuração das reais circunstâncias em que estas mortes e desaparecimentos ocorreram; 3º) a responsabilização dos culpados; 4º) o resgate e a preservação da memória relativa a estes fatos. Fortalecida na primeira metade da década de 1970, a luta dos familiares organizados em torno da Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos (CFMDP) estende-se até a atualidade. Canalizadas para os Comitês Brasileiros pela Anistia (CBA’s) que surgiram a partir de 1978, suas demandas foram, entretanto, praticamente desconsideradas no momento em que o Governo Federal aprovou a Lei da Anistia, em agosto de 1979. Com o fim da luta pela Anistia, e, por consequência, com a extinção dos CBA’s, os familiares rearticularam-se, centralizando seus esforços no fortalecimento da CFMDP. Em mais de três décadas de atividades, a CFMDP vem trabalhando de forma insistente junto à sociedade na tentativa de fazer com que os crimes cometidos no período autoritário não sejam esquecidos e buscando ampliar seu apoio com vistas à construção de políticas que atendam suas demandas. O trabalho desenvolvido pela CFMDP neste sentido obteve: a) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes cometidos em nome do regime civil-militar; b) a concessão de indenizações aos familiares das vítimas fatais do aparato repressivo; c) um incremento no tocante à divulgação do tema junto à sociedade. Para aprofundar suas conquistas e formular novas políticas, que, mais efetivas, tratem do tema, a Comissão continua, no entanto, tendo que lidar com legados do autoritarismo que, tais como o bloqueio interpretativo que defende uma anistia recíproca e incentiva a impunidade e o esquecimento dos crimes cometidos pela ditadura, o rol das prerrogativas militares, a política nacional de sigilo ainda vigente e os resquícios culturais da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, seguem limitando visivelmente a obtenção de avanços significativos no que se refere à reparação dos familiares. / This study examines the ways in which relatives of people killed or disappeared during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) were organized to demand: 1) recognition of liability by the Brazilian state for violations of human rights committed in the name of the authoritarian regime; 2) the investigation of actual circumstances of these deaths and disappearances occurred; 3) liability of perpetrators; 4) the rescue and preservation of the memory on these facts. Strengthened in the first half of the 1970s, the struggle of families organized around the Commission of the Families of the Dead and Disappeared Political Activists (CFDDPA) extends until present. Channeled to the Brazilian Committees for Amnesty (BCA’s) that have emerged since 1978, their demands were, however, virtually ignored at the time the Federal Government approved the Amnesty Law in August 1979. With the end of the fight for amnesty, and, consequently, with the extinction of the BCA’s, the families reorganized themselves, centering its efforts on strengthening the CFDDPA. In more than three decades of activity, CFDDPA has been working persistently to the society in an attempt to make the crimes committed during authoritarian period are not forgotten and seeking to extend their support towards the construction of policies that meet their demands. The work developed by CFDDPA in this direction has obtained: a) the recognition of the liability of the Brazilian state for crimes committed on behalf of civil-military regime, b) the granting of compensation to the families of the victims of the repressive apparatus, c) an increase in respect of the disclosure of the issue to the society. To deepen their achievements and formulate new policies, more effectives to address the issue, the Commission continues, however, having to deal with legacies of authoritarian regimes, such as the interpretative blocking that defends a mutual amnesty and incentives the impunity and forgetfulness for crimes committed by the dictatorship, the role of military prerogatives, the secrecy national policy still in force and the remnants of the cultural National Security Doctrine, still follow limiting the obtaining of significant advances with regard to compensation to the families.

O presente estudo analisa as formas como os familiares de pessoas mortas e desaparecidas durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil (1964-1985) se organizaram para reivindicar: 1º) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelas violações aos direitos humanos praticadas em nome do regime autoritário; 2º) a apuração das reais circunstâncias em que estas mortes e desaparecimentos ocorreram; 3º) a responsabilização dos culpados; 4º) o resgate e a preservação da memória relativa a estes fatos. Fortalecida na primeira metade da década de 1970, a luta dos familiares organizados em torno da Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos (CFMDP) estende-se até a atualidade. Canalizadas para os Comitês Brasileiros pela Anistia (CBA’s) que surgiram a partir de 1978, suas demandas foram, entretanto, praticamente desconsideradas no momento em que o Governo Federal aprovou a Lei da Anistia, em agosto de 1979. Com o fim da luta pela Anistia, e, por consequência, com a extinção dos CBA’s, os familiares rearticularam-se, centralizando seus esforços no fortalecimento da CFMDP. Em mais de três décadas de atividades, a CFMDP vem trabalhando de forma insistente junto à sociedade na tentativa de fazer com que os crimes cometidos no período autoritário não sejam esquecidos e buscando ampliar seu apoio com vistas à construção de políticas que atendam suas demandas. O trabalho desenvolvido pela CFMDP neste sentido obteve: a) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes cometidos em nome do regime civil-militar; b) a concessão de indenizações aos familiares das vítimas fatais do aparato repressivo; c) um incremento no tocante à divulgação do tema junto à sociedade. Para aprofundar suas conquistas e formular novas políticas, que, mais efetivas, tratem do tema, a Comissão continua, no entanto, tendo que lidar com legados do autoritarismo que, tais como o bloqueio interpretativo que defende uma anistia recíproca e incentiva a impunidade e o esquecimento dos crimes cometidos pela ditadura, o rol das prerrogativas militares, a política nacional de sigilo ainda vigente e os resquícios culturais da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, seguem limitando visivelmente a obtenção de avanços significativos no que se refere à reparação dos familiares. / This study examines the ways in which relatives of people killed or disappeared during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) were organized to demand: 1) recognition of liability by the Brazilian state for violations of human rights committed in the name of the authoritarian regime; 2) the investigation of actual circumstances of these deaths and disappearances occurred; 3) liability of perpetrators; 4) the rescue and preservation of the memory on these facts. Strengthened in the first half of the 1970s, the struggle of families organized around the Commission of the Families of the Dead and Disappeared Political Activists (CFDDPA) extends until present. Channeled to the Brazilian Committees for Amnesty (BCA’s) that have emerged since 1978, their demands were, however, virtually ignored at the time the Federal Government approved the Amnesty Law in August 1979. With the end of the fight for amnesty, and, consequently, with the extinction of the BCA’s, the families reorganized themselves, centering its efforts on strengthening the CFDDPA. In more than three decades of activity, CFDDPA has been working persistently to the society in an attempt to make the crimes committed during authoritarian period are not forgotten and seeking to extend their support towards the construction of policies that meet their demands. The work developed by CFDDPA in this direction has obtained: a) the recognition of the liability of the Brazilian state for crimes committed on behalf of civil-military regime, b) the granting of compensation to the families of the victims of the repressive apparatus, c) an increase in respect of the disclosure of the issue to the society. To deepen their achievements and formulate new policies, more effectives to address the issue, the Commission continues, however, having to deal with legacies of authoritarian regimes, such as the interpretative blocking that defends a mutual amnesty and incentives the impunity and forgetfulness for crimes committed by the dictatorship, the role of military prerogatives, the secrecy national policy still in force and the remnants of the cultural National Security Doctrine, still follow limiting the obtaining of significant advances with regard to compensation to the families.

O presente estudo analisa as formas como os familiares de pessoas mortas e desaparecidas durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil (1964-1985) se organizaram para reivindicar: 1º) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelas violações aos direitos humanos praticadas em nome do regime autoritário; 2º) a apuração das reais circunstâncias em que estas mortes e desaparecimentos ocorreram; 3º) a responsabilização dos culpados; 4º) o resgate e a preservação da memória relativa a estes fatos. Fortalecida na primeira metade da década de 1970, a luta dos familiares organizados em torno da Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos (CFMDP) estende-se até a atualidade. Canalizadas para os Comitês Brasileiros pela Anistia (CBA’s) que surgiram a partir de 1978, suas demandas foram, entretanto, praticamente desconsideradas no momento em que o Governo Federal aprovou a Lei da Anistia, em agosto de 1979. Com o fim da luta pela Anistia, e, por consequência, com a extinção dos CBA’s, os familiares rearticularam-se, centralizando seus esforços no fortalecimento da CFMDP. Em mais de três décadas de atividades, a CFMDP vem trabalhando de forma insistente junto à sociedade na tentativa de fazer com que os crimes cometidos no período autoritário não sejam esquecidos e buscando ampliar seu apoio com vistas à construção de políticas que atendam suas demandas. O trabalho desenvolvido pela CFMDP neste sentido obteve: a) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes cometidos em nome do regime civil-militar; b) a concessão de indenizações aos familiares das vítimas fatais do aparato repressivo; c) um incremento no tocante à divulgação do tema junto à sociedade. Para aprofundar suas conquistas e formular novas políticas, que, mais efetivas, tratem do tema, a Comissão continua, no entanto, tendo que lidar com legados do autoritarismo que, tais como o bloqueio interpretativo que defende uma anistia recíproca e incentiva a impunidade e o esquecimento dos crimes cometidos pela ditadura, o rol das prerrogativas militares, a política nacional de sigilo ainda vigente e os resquícios culturais da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, seguem limitando visivelmente a obtenção de avanços significativos no que se refere à reparação dos familiares. / This study examines the ways in which relatives of people killed or disappeared during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) were organized to demand: 1) recognition of liability by the Brazilian state for violations of human rights committed in the name of the authoritarian regime; 2) the investigation of actual circumstances of these deaths and disappearances occurred; 3) liability of perpetrators; 4) the rescue and preservation of the memory on these facts. Strengthened in the first half of the 1970s, the struggle of families organized around the Commission of the Families of the Dead and Disappeared Political Activists (CFDDPA) extends until present. Channeled to the Brazilian Committees for Amnesty (BCA’s) that have emerged since 1978, their demands were, however, virtually ignored at the time the Federal Government approved the Amnesty Law in August 1979. With the end of the fight for amnesty, and, consequently, with the extinction of the BCA’s, the families reorganized themselves, centering its efforts on strengthening the CFDDPA. In more than three decades of activity, CFDDPA has been working persistently to the society in an attempt to make the crimes committed during authoritarian period are not forgotten and seeking to extend their support towards the construction of policies that meet their demands. The work developed by CFDDPA in this direction has obtained: a) the recognition of the liability of the Brazilian state for crimes committed on behalf of civil-military regime, b) the granting of compensation to the families of the victims of the repressive apparatus, c) an increase in respect of the disclosure of the issue to the society. To deepen their achievements and formulate new policies, more effectives to address the issue, the Commission continues, however, having to deal with legacies of authoritarian regimes, such as the interpretative blocking that defends a mutual amnesty and incentives the impunity and forgetfulness for crimes committed by the dictatorship, the role of military prerogatives, the secrecy national policy still in force and the remnants of the cultural National Security Doctrine, still follow limiting the obtaining of significant advances with regard to compensation to the families.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse perception of political and social changes by Catholic Marian communities under two authoritarian regimes, namely the Vichy regime in France and independent Slovak state. Both political entities emerged due to aggression by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Both founded their traditionalist ideology on Christian values. The object of this study are two groups of clergy which were involved in Marian pilgrimage sites in French La Salette and Slovak Šaštín. Main sources, on which the study is based, are periodicals published by communities administering the pilgrimage sites. These are Annales de Notre-Dame de La Salette a Bulletin des Missionnaires de Notre-Dame de La Salette in case of France and Saleziánske zvesti in case of Slovakia. While analysing the text, the author focuses on the reflection of several basic themes - military conflict in Europe, demise of the previous regime and emergence of a new state. At the same time, the author describes the fundamental characteristics of the Marian cult at the time of its creation during the war. The concluding part offers an application of comparative perspective on the two case studies with the aim to indicate their similar and distinct characteristics. Keywords Catholic Church, Vichy France, Slovakia...

[pt] A censura à arte fez-se presente nos diversos momentos históricos do Brasil, até ser formalmente extinta pela Constituição de 1988. A proibição de censura prévia, porém, não impediu que obras de arte fossem submetidas ao crivo dos Poderes constituídos, instados a manifestar-se acerca dos limites da liberdade de expressão artística. Em setembro de 2017, ocorreu um “estopim” administrativo, judiciário e midiático com a ocorrência de quatro casos de censura em apenas um mês, que tomaram notoriedade em todo o país, especialmente a exposição Queermuseu e a performance La Bête. Esses casos são considerados como o marco inicial do período estudado neste trabalho. A partir desses quatro episódios, a tônica do debate público e da atuação dos Poderes constituídos mudou de foco, representando indício de uma possível mudança estrutural do comportamento das instituições e do público no que toca à liberdade de expressão artística e à censura no Brasil. Com intuito de analisar essa mudança, foram feitos estudos de caso de doze obras de arte que sofreram ao menos um ato de censura entre setembro de 2017 e março de 2020, quando ocorreu o fechamento dos espaços culturais devido à pandemia de COVID-19. O trabalho abordará as peculiaridades da censura no período estudado, que tem por característica negar a si mesma. Também serão abordadas as ferramentas jurídicas e administrativas disponíveis aos artistas e ao público para impugnar os atos censórios emanados dos Poderes constituídos. / [en] Artistic censorship has been constant in brazilian history, until its formal extincion after 1988 Constitution. Although previous censorship is prohibited, works of art have been submited to the constitutional Powers, since then, in order to determine the limits of artistic freedom of expression. In september 2017, four episodes of censorship occurred in the same month and became notorious all over Brazil, specially the Queermuseu exhibition and the performance La Bête. This cases are the starting point to this research. This four episodes unleashed a conservative turning point in the behaviour of the institutions and the public debate concerning freedom of speech. In order to analyze this change, case studies will be carried out, comparing the most notorious episodes of the period. The time frame has been restricted from the cases Queermuseu and La Bête, that took place in september, 2017, until the closure of cultural spaces during the COVID-19 pandemic, in march 2020. This paper approaches the peculiarities of censorship in this time frame, featuring the tendency to deny itself. Also, this research will expose some of the legal and administrative tools available to the artists and the citizens to fight censorship by constituted Powers.

There is an emergent consensus that the ‘poverty reduction through good governance’ agenda has failed to meet expectations. The capacity of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to cultivate the political economies and state-society synergies that might be supportive of more pro-poor development trajectories is contested. Advocates of inclusive liberalism identify increased political space for NGOs focused on popular empowerment and policy influence within the participatory spaces created by the good governance agenda. More radical critiques cast NGOs as apolitical brokers of neo-liberal development resources which distract from or are disinterested in more fundamental questions of redistribution. This thesis explores the potential for Ugandan NGOs to cultivate supportive conditions for a more redistributive development process amidst a semi-authoritarian, patronage-based, political regime and within a predominantly agrarian economy, using the lens of a single case study organisation situated in the Western region of the country. The findings suggest Ugandan NGOs should move beyond strategies associated with inclusive liberal governance towards a closer engagement with the politics and political economy of progressive change. Micro-enterprise and economic associational development emerge as more effective enhancers of political capabilities among the poor than strategies aimed solely at promoting inclusive liberal participation because they can tackle the socio-economic power relations that curb political agency in such contexts, and begin to undermine patronage-politics. In contrast, strategies for enhanced inclusive liberal participation engage with the formal de jure rules of the game in ways that either sidestep or re-enforce the de-facto patronage-based political system and fail to tackle the power relations that perpetuate ineffective forms of governance. Creating new cross-class deliberative spaces which engage with grass roots perspectives, can facilitate the emergence of new ways of thinking that promote a more pro-poor orientation among development stakeholders. Triangulation of qualitative primary data and relevant literature leads to the overarching conclusion that NGOs operating in such contexts are more likely to enhance the political capabilities of disadvantaged groups by adhering to a principle of self-determination. This focuses energy and resources on non-directive facilitative support to disadvantaged groups. This enables them to a) make socio-economic progress; b) become (better) organised; c) develop the necessary skills and knowledge to advance their interests; and d) cultivate opportunities for direct engagement with power holders and decision-makers. This approach requires a high level of what the thesis terms ‘NGO political capacity’ and a far more open-ended and programmatic approach to the provision of development aid than currently prevails.