Thèse--Universit́e de Genève. / At head of title: Université de Genève. Institut Universitaire de Hautes Études Internationales. "Bibliographie": p. 221-225.

顔鳳儀. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 127-139. / 中英文摘要. / Yan Fengyi. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1-6 / Chapter 一、 --- 研究重點 --- p.2-3 / Chapter 二、 --- 研究原因 --- p.3-4 / Chapter 三、 --- 硏究方法 / Chapter 甲、 --- 硏究性質 --- p.4-5 / Chapter 乙、 --- 資料來源 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二章 --- 評述權力均衡理論及探討基辛格 對均勢外交理念的構想 --- p.7-26 / Chapter 一、 --- 權力均衡理論 / Chapter 甲、 --- 現實主義學說 --- p.7-9 / Chapter 乙、 --- 權力均衡理論槪念之釐淸 --- p.9-16 / Chapter 二、 --- 均勢外交理念的構想 / Chapter 甲、 --- 尼克遜與基辛格在七十年代 制定美國外交政策的關鍵角色 --- p.17-19 / Chapter 乙、 --- 均勢外交之構想 --- p.20-26 / Chapter 三、 --- 分析架構 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三章 --- 歷史史實的描述 --- p.27-61 / Chapter 一、 --- 釣魚台的歷史背景 / Chapter 甲、 --- 一九七二年前的釣魚台歷史背景 --- p.27-33 / Chapter 乙、 --- 九十年代的釣魚台事件 --- p.33-35 / Chapter 二、 --- 一九七二年前的中、美、日、台的關係 / Chapter 甲、 --- 七十年代前的中美關係 --- p.36-42 / Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代前的美日關係 --- p.43-49 / Chapter 丙、 --- 七十年代前的的中日關係 --- p.50-54 / Chapter 丁、 --- 轉變中的中、美、日關係 --- p.55-61 / Chapter 第四章 --- 運用權力均衡槪念去剖析釣魚台事件 --- p.62-116 / Chapter 一、 --- 美國一一「均勢體系」中的「均衡者」 --- p.62-79 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.62 / Chapter 乙、 --- 聯中制蘇 --- p.62-63 / Chapter 丙、 --- 釣魚台事件 / Chapter 1. --- 釣魚台對美國國防的重要性 --- p.64 / Chapter 2. --- 安撫日本 --- p.65-66 / Chapter 3. --- 均勢戰略考慮的長遠計謀 / Chapter (I) --- 遏制中國 --- p.67-74 / Chapter (II) --- 制約日本 --- p.75-77 / Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.77-79 / Chapter 二、 --- 日本一一「均勢體系」中的「從屬者」 --- p.80-95 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.80 / Chapter 乙、 --- 釣魚台對日本國防及經濟的重要性 --- p.80-82 / Chapter 丙、 --- 日本謀求成爲亞洲政治及軍事大國之野心 / Chapter 1. --- 美蘇冷戰格局下日本經濟迅速復興， 在九十年代成爲第二經濟大國 --- p.82-83 / Chapter 2. --- 日本經濟蓬勃發展後， 日本出現謀求成爲政治大國的野心 --- p.83-84 / Chapter 3 . --- 新保守主義思潮的興起 --- p.84-87 / Chapter 4 . --- 日本謀求成爲政治及軍事大國的障礙 --- p.87-89 / Chapter 5 . --- 日本明白美日同盟的重要性 --- p.89-91 / Chapter 丁、 --- 九六年日本遏制中國時機之來臨 / Chapter 1 . --- 《美日安保條約》的重新訂位 --- p.91-93 / Chapter 2 . --- 橋本內閣的重組 --- p.93-94 / Chapter 戊、 --- 小結 --- p.94-95 / Chapter 三) --- 台灣一一「均勢體系」的「從屬者」 --- p.96-104 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.96 / Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 --- p.97-98 / Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 / Chapter 1. --- 釣魚事件牽涉了兩岸關係 --- p.99-100 / Chapter 2. --- 爭取美日友好，以擴展台灣的國際生存空間 --- p.101-103 / Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.104 / Chapter 四) --- 中國一一「均勢體系」的 「被敵視者」 --- p.105-116 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.105 / Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代中國低調處理釣魚台事件的分析 --- p.105-108 / Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代中國低調處理釣魚台事件的分析 / Chapter 1. --- 出兵的顧慮 --- p.109-113 / Chapter 2. --- 不出兵的顧慮 --- p.113-115 / Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.116 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結語 --- p.117-126 / Chapter 一、 --- 中、美、日、台在釣魚台事件上所扮演的角色 --- p.118-121 / Chapter 二、 --- 「權力均衡」理論之適用性及現實性 --- p.121-126 / 主要參考書目（中文） / 主要參考書目（英文） / 主要參考報章雜誌

Balance-of-Power theory was tested by examining the 1977-1978 Ethiopian-Somali conflict and its outcome. The theory, according to Waltz (1979), claims to explain the international outcome arising from realpolitik or power politics, namely, the formation of balances of power. Given the close fit between the major developments leading to the eruption of conflict and the principal propositions of balance-of-power theory, the outcome of the conflict was expected to be consistent with that posited by the theory. This expectation was borne out by the study's finding which indicated that the conflict has produced a similar result. Confirmation of the theory was achieved by further subjecting the finding to the verification test established by Waltz.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since taking office in 2001, Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi has pressed for greater expansion to the mission of the Japan Self Defense Force (JSDF), first by endorsing deployments in support of counter-terrorism operations in the Indian Ocean, and eventually the domestically unpopular decision to deploy to Iraq. Recently, an update to the 1996 National Defense Program Outline was published that accelerated the shift in the mission of the JSDF away from a pure self-defense force capable of operating with the United States in defense of Japan's sovereignty to that of an internationally recognized force capable of conducting operations in varying environments throughout the globe. Japan's accelerated military involvement in world affairs has provoked concerns among neighbors, whose perceptions are often quite different from those of the United States or Japan. Japan's legacy of militarism has created resistance to change among regional partners. In order for changes to succeed without upsetting the regional balance of power, Japan must improve not only the capability, but also the international trust and standing of the JSDF. This thesis provides information to allow policy makers to better understand the challenges that the Government of Japan faces in response to changes in security strategy. / Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

‘Sons of the soil’ conflicts seldom intensify above a low level of intrastate violence. Although frequent, they tend to remain small in scale, which has contributed to a lack of scholarly understanding about why some Sons of the soil conflict yet intensify more than others. Taking the role of the state into account, this study aims to investigate the causes for intensification in these conflicts. With a neoclassical realist approach, domestic factors behind the causal process of conflict intensification are unearthed, thereby investigating further the action-formation of the government threat perception. It leads the study to test the following hypothesis: A Sons of the soil conflict is more likely to intensify if the government misperceives the threat the conflict constitutes. Through a comparative process tracing analysis of Sons of the soil conflict intensity in Mali and Niger, 2006-2012, findings suggest that certain domestic factors at the state level cause a significant variation in the outcome. Actual low threats of Sons of the soil conflict may in fact be intensified due to state misperceptions.

A tese versa sobre os milicianos pardos de São Paulo que atuaram no Regimento dos Úteis (1797-1831). As milícias de pardos e de pretos remontam ao século XVII e se caracterizaram como uma força militar fundamental para o Estado e um canal de expressão social e política para os seus integrantes até serem extintas, em 1831. Os problemas de que trata se desdobram em três eixos articulados entre si, a saber, a história militar, social e política. No primeiro deles, se examina a milícia parda em meio à estrutura militar colonial e à trajetória das milícias de cor luso-brasileiras. Ademais, aborda-se a sua estrutura de funcionamento e o seu papel nas atividades militares paulistas. O segundo eixo explora a origem e a condição social dos milicianos pardos, com destaque para as questões da formação do grupo de pardos livres e libertos, a vinculação dos milicianos a formas de trabalho compulsório e aos universos indígena, africano e mestiço, e a formação de famílias. Trata, igualmente, da condição socioeconômica dos milicianos, atentando para seu perfil ocupacional, níveis de riqueza e posse de escravos. Finalmente, o terceiro eixo considera a articulação da milícia com a política e encara o universo militar como um campo de tensões. Nele os problemas da oficialidade de cor e da existência dos seus corpos militares, fundamentais para a compreensão da atuação da milícia parda na conjuntura da independência em São Paulo, são examinados a partir das dimensões entrelaçadas do Estado, das autoridades militares locais, da competição entre oficiais brancos e pardos, e das relações de poder internas à milícia parda. A sociologia eliasiana constitui o principal referencial teórico e a tese se ampara em farta e diversificada documentação primária, com destaque para as listas nominativas, fontes paroquiais e especialmente os registros produzidos a partir das atividades cotidianas da milícia, tais como os requerimentos e o livro de matrícula dos milicianos pardos de São Paulo. / This doctoral thesis is about the Pardo militiamen of São Paulo who acted in the Regimento dos Úteis (1797-1831). That Pardo and Black militias dates back to the seventeenth century and were characterized as a fundamental military force for the State. Moreover, they were a sort of a canal of social and political expression for its members until they were extinguished in 1831. The problems in question unfold in three articulated issues: military, social and political history. In the first one, the Pardo militia is examined in the midst of the colonial military structure and the trajectory of the Luso-Brazilian militias. In addition, its operational structure and its role in the military activities of São Paulo are discussed. In the second one, it will be explored the origin of the Pardo and they social status as militiamen. This aspect emphasis the formation of the group of free and liberated Pardo, also the linking of militiamen to forms of compulsory labor and the Indigene, African and Mestizo universes, and formation of families. It also deals with the socioeconomic condition of the militiamen, considering their occupational profile, levels of wealth and the possession of slaves. Finally, the last aspect considers the articulation of the militia with politics and regards the military universe as a field of tensions. The problems of color officers and the existence of their military corps, which are fundamental to understanding the actions of the Free Colored militia in the context of independence in Sao Paulo, are examined from the intertwined dimensions of the State, the local military authorities, the competition between White and Free Colored officers, and from internal power relations to the brown militia. Eliasian sociology is the main theoretical reference, and the thesis is based on a large and diversified primary documentation, with special emphasis on the nominative lists, parish sources and especially the records produced from the daily activities of the militia, such as the requirements and the book of Registration of the Pardo militiamen of São Paulo.

The approach of this study is balance of power theory, providing an analysis to explain how Sino-American Relations in that region is full of conflicts and cooperation. In the study, there are two major aspects for further analysis, one is the regional security, the other is regional economy. After the end of Cold War Era, the power structure in Northeast Asia has faced adjustment. The power of China has raised and profoundly influenced on the aspect of economic and security of the region. United States, out of its consideration of national interests, adopts ¡§balancing¡¨ strategies to confront any possible threat. In general, conflicts may break out between the two countries, but, there are some possibilities for two sides to cooperate, for example, the denuclearization of Korea Peninsula and development of clean Energy promote China and U.S to collaborate with each other. The results of this study provide information for the Taiwanese Government to further develop national security and economic strategies.

This research is about using the term ¡§realism¡¨ to study on the relationship across the Taiwan straits. After the Gulf War, Mainland China has started the revolutions in military affairs. Their think of military strategy was from ¡§Conquer Limited Way¡¨ to ¡§Conquer High Technology Limited Way¡¨. The People¡¦s Liberation Army has become more modernized, buying fighter planes, missiles, on board radar, electronic war equipment from foreign countries, and they also have developed J-10 fighters, mid and long range ballistic missile. The People¡¦s Liberation Army will finish the first step of the revolutions in military affairs in 2005, by that time SU-27 and SU-30 will be fully capable for combat. J-10 will began mass production and then Mainland China will have the ability to assault Taiwan. The military power will become unbalance across the Taiwan Straits. When the revolution in military affairs is completed by People¡¦s Liberation Army, People¡¦s Liberation Army will be fully trained for combat, which includes electronic warfare equipment, Air Combat Command, fighter planes, pilots, on-board equipment, missile etc. With the economic take-off Mainland China has increased their defense budget every year. Under this condition the military power can decide the stabilization of the Taiwan Strait. In order to balance the power military of People¡¦s Liberation Army, Taiwan has to purchase long range detect radar, electronic equipment and PAC III missile. According to the view of ¡§security dilemma¡¨ both side of Taiwan Strait have to purchase modern weapons from foreign country to defence itself, this in turn drives to arm race. So Taiwan has to use its advantages, such as the quality of pilot and performed fighter planes. to face the People¡¦s Liberation Army. For national security Taiwan should concern on the mid and long term Unmanned Combat Air Vehicle (UCAV) and long term weapon development program.

China and India relations changed tremendously after the Cold War. Economic development is the utmost priority at the end of the Cold War, deriving from recognition that international competition is shifting from military confrontation to overall economic, scientific, and technological capabilities. Therefore, the two countries appeared to recognize the futility of confrontation, and moves to rebuild confidence proceeded apace. With an emphasis on seeking co-operation in other areas of mutual benefit, both sides agreed to break the impasse on the boundary question and to maintain peace and stability along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). This positive spirit was reflected in the signing of Confidence-building measures (CBMs) and Trade Protocol which helped develop better mutual understanding. But India feels uneasy to observe China's rising economic and military capability across East Asia, because the 1962 War had cast long shadows in their elite¡¦s memory. New Delhi is concerned about China¡¦s assistance to Pakistan¡¦s nuclear and missile program, and offer military weapons to Sri Lanka, Nepal and Myanmar by far. New Delhi has always viewed any China, Pakistan and Myanmar¡¦s relationship as a scheme to strangle or restraint India¡¦s strategic throughout the Indian Ocean. Thus India drive for defense modernization focuses on strategic forces, especially its acquisition of certain high-profile naval ships and systems, and prepared to assert its interests to counter the rise in Chinese interest there. Moreover, India spreads China threat when China rising across East Asia that reinforced the worry of China¡¦s neighbors about China¡¦s power spread through their countries. It is obvious that one of the reasons why ASEAN was keen to bring India into the regional affairs was the concern with China. Therefore, India proceeds to more bilateral exchanges and boost economic, even military exercises with each Southeast Asian country. Furthermore, Indian continued hosting of the Tibetan government in exile to counter China support of the Pakistan. The study focuses on : India and China, the two most populous nations on earth, how these two emerging great powers manage their cooperation and competition in the coming years will have a major impact on regional security. The purpose of this research is from the perspective realism of geopolitics approach to analyze the factors of Sino-Indian competition and cooperation, as well as analysis the two countries historical conflict and evolution toward potential cooperation and quiet competition currently.

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