This thesis aims to explain how the involvement of secondary parties affect the duration of intrastate armedconflicts. It argues that the acquisition of secondary support in favor of rebel groups is likely to lead to an extended duration of intrastate armed conflict. By granting a relatively weaker rebel group secondary support, a secondary party ought to directly alter the balance of power and capabilities in benefit for the rebels. The secondary party could thereby be able to level the balance of capabilities between a government and a rebel group, creating a situation in which the, at first, stronger government now have to face a rebel group capable of surviving longer. Using a structured focused comparison on two cases, the results find secondary support in the form of funding or economic support given to relatively weak rebels to be an important influence on extending the duration of intrastate armed conflicts. Nonetheless, further research might have to be made in order to fully understand the even more detailed mechanisms behind the strong influences of economic secondary support on conflict duration.

This thesis examines evolving Soviet perspectives on the "correlation of forces" between the socialist world and the capitalist countries in general and the Soviet Union and the United States in particular. The focus is on the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases of Soviet history. The term "correlation of forces" is primarily an analytic concept used by Soviet leaders and scholars to understand and interpret the pace of what they view as the inevitable historical development in favor of socialism. A rough Soviet equivalent of the Western concept of the "balance of power," "correlation of forces" as it is used by Soviet spokesmen encompasses economic, political, and military-security dimensions. The methodology employed in the thesis in charting the chronological evolution of Soviet thinking regarding the correlation of forces consists of a careful and discriminating textual analysis of terminological variations in Soviet scholarly and official use of the concept over time, with due regard to contextual fluctuations in the domestic and international realms. For its source material, this study relied heavily on the speeches and writing of Soviet leaders as well as utilizing analyses of international developments published in Soviet scholarly journals. The differing stress on each of the three aspects of the correlation of forces—economic, political, and military—between the Khrushchev and Brezhnev periods allowed us to trace the change and evolution of the Soviet world view from a primary stress on economic factors of the distribution of power under Khrushchev, to an emphasis on the military dimension of the balance under Brezhnev. By monitoring terminological variations in the concept, we were able to identify periods of optimism and pessimism during both the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases. We also noted the important role played by the divergent personalities of Khrushchev and Brezhnev on Soviet portrayal of the correlation of forces. Whereas the exuberant Soviet optimism in the military area lacked any basis in fact under Khrushchev, the depiction of the military correlation, while more muted under Brezhnev, was solidly based. These and other such differences, we argued, were a function of the stamp superimposed on Soviet politics by the respective leaders of the time. This study will, by clarifying the context within which the Soviet leadership makes its choices, contribute to an enhanced understanding of the general foreign policy trends of the USSR. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Depuis 1968, la gestion des universités françaises connaît de nombreuses et diverses évolutions. En 2007, l’adoption de la loi relative aux Libertés et Responsabilités des Universités, donne à la gouvernance une nouvelle orientation philosophique et pratique. Celle-ci consacre désormais l’affaiblissement du législatif face à l’exécutif et le renforcement des pouvoirs du Président de l’université qui s’appuie davantage sur une stratégie managériale. Ce nouveau contexte bouleverse l’équilibre des pouvoirs institutionnellement établis dans le champ universitaire. Cette évolution engendre une tension entre la présidentialisation connotée de la logique managériale et la collégialité qui constitue la base historique de l’administration des universités françaises. Le rôle réel de la représentativité dans la gouvernance des dites universités est ainsi posé. Trois universités de tailles différentes, Strasbourg, Limoges et Nîmes font l’objet d’une étude à partir d’entretiens semi directifs avec les acteurs concernés par le « rôle de la représentativité dans la mise en oeuvre et la dynamique de la gouvernance des universités ». / Since 1968, management of French universities has many and various developments. In 2007, the adoption of the Law on Civil Liberties and Responsibilities of Universities, gives to the governance a new philosophical and practical guidance. The adoption of the Law on Civil Liberties and Responsibilities of Universities, gives governance a new philosophical and practical guidance. That law now shifting the weakening of the legislative face to the executive and the strengthening of the powers of President of the university who leans more on a managerial strategy. This new context upsets the balance of power institutionally established in the university field. This evolution engenders a tension between the Presidentialization connoted by the managerial logic and the corporatism which constitutes the historic basis of the administration of the French universities. This is the real role of representation in the governance of these Universities. Three universities with different sizes, Strasbourg, Limoges and Nimes are the subjects of a study from semi-directive interviews with The Concerned Actors For The "role of representation in the implementation and dynamics of the universities governance."

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The aim of this study is to investigate separations from a gender perspective. Gender research has focused on the division of housework, economy and equality between men and women. To investigate separations from a gender perspective eight interviews with four separated women and four separated men were conducted. To analyze the empirical data the gender theory is used which illustrates the social gender. The study may contribute to research that sheds light on separation from a gender perspective. The results showed that the division of household labour, changes in the parental role and sharing of economical as well as social resources were gendered practices. The main finding of the study is that separation is a gendered process which is explained by the help of Yvonne Hirdmans theory on the balance of power between the sexes in marriages.

This research paper investigated how AI can shift the balance of power between China and the U.S. in the military domain by comparing the respective countries' power through Waltz’s five capabilities from two points in time to identify how the power dynamics have shifted in the last two decades. Neorealism and realist hegemonic stability theory were applied to explain why China might be challenging the U.S.'s role as the number one superpower and how this can be achieved as the country aims for AI domination by 2030. Based on the results, China has had surprising growth over the past two decades which indicates that the country is aiming for hegemony in the AI domain as it has the capacity and capability to shift the balance of power in the military domain. However, different attempts from the U.S. and its allies to halt China’s rise in tech have led to tension in the international system. Therefore, how AI technology can be used to shift the balance of power depends entirely on how China deals with these attempts and if it can keep up with its development in the field.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the contemporary alliance between the United States and Japan with a particular focus on the security cooperation. In order to achieve the aim of the thesis, theories within the academic discipline of international relations have been applied: realism and liberalism. The thesis is a qualitative case study that aims to achieve its purpose by answering three questions: How can the alliance between the U.S. and Japan be explained based on realism, especially with regard to balance of power?; How can the alliance between the U.S. and Japan be explained based on liberalism, especially with regard to interdependence? and; What are the similarities and differences between the theories’ views of the security cooperation? The result shows that the alliance between the U.S. and Japan from a realistic viewpoint can be explained as a means for both countries to ultimately ensure their own survival, whereas the alliance from a liberal point of view can be explained as a way to promote more than solely their own security, such as peace and prosperity in the international community. This is also where the major difference between the theories’ views of the security cooperation can be found.

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The Asian renaissance in the twentieth first century, constituted by astronomical economic growth combined with the ambitious and authoritarian leadership of Xi Jinping's reign, has led China in the direction of proactive international policies. The South China Sea is one of the major arenas where such policies are taking place. This paper seeks to explain the case of  the Chinese expansionist initiative in the South China Sea through a case study with the structure of a systematic textual analysis. The study will further adopt the international political theory of realism as an explanatory model, which is commonly referred to as the most suited international political theory in explaining expansionist state behavior. Further concepts within the theoretical lens consist of; balance of power, regional hegemony and elements of national power. This paper finds that China seeks to militarize the South China Sea as an act of power-balancing towards the military presence of the U.S. The end-goal of the Chinese initiative is to establish regional hegemony in the region, where China seeks to dominate the waters in competitions with ASEAN states through the means of their maritime militia. Towards the United States, the effort of regional hegemony is mostly in the phase of verbal prompts and to some extent threatening. The initiative in the waters further serves to extract national elements of power, such as oil, natural gas and fishery to secure maintenance and growth of the Chinese nation.