Saemankum en tant que milieu naturel aux multiples et riches ressources constitue un espace rural que le gouvernement décide d’aménager et d’urbaniser au début des années 1990. La mise en œuvre de cette politique d’aménagement du territoire a entrainé des mutations de l’environnement social et engendré un conflit entre partisans et adversaires du projet face à la question du mode de développement local le plus adapté. Les enjeux écoterritoriaux peuvent être analysés comme un jeu d’interactions entre l’action publique et l’espace pratique de la pêche. Ceci s’inscrivant dans le cadre d’un rapport de forces. Il s’agit essentiellement ici de décrire la compatibilité entre les rationalités à l’œuvre dans ce projet, en prenant en compte d’une part la territorialisation des pratiques environnementales, d’autre part les objectifs politiques et de croissance des acteurs concernés. Comment l’idée d’une gouvernance démocratique a-t-elle émergé ? À quel point le modèle du développement durable s’est-il imposé comme un élément unificateur dans la régulation des usages des zones littorales ? Cette recherche se définit comme une étude du rapport social au système territorial tel qu’on a pu le voir dans le jeu des acteurs, à travers l’évolution générale récente de l’administration du pays. / Saemankum as a natural environment is a rural area with many rich resource that the government decided to develop and urbanize in the early 1990s. The implementation of this land policy has led to changes in the social environment and created a conflict between supporters and opponents of the project facing the question of which local mode of development would be most suitable. Eco-territorial issues can be analyzed as a set of interactions between public policy and the practice of fishing area. This is in the context of a power relationship. That means to describe the compatibility between rationality at work in this project, taking into account both the regionalization of environmental practices, on the other hand, political and growth objectives of stakeholders. How the idea of democratic governance was born? In which way the model of a sustainable development has emerged as a unifying element in the regulation of coastal areas uses? In short, this research is defined as a study of the social relations within the territorial system as we have seen in the actors’ strategies through the recent developments in the administration of the country.

[pt] Esta tese apresenta uma história do conceito balance of power. Com base na abordagem Begriffsgeschichte, busca-se compreender como um dado espaço de experiência e um dado horizonte de expectativas foram constituídos através desse conceito. O argumento está organizado em duas partes. Na primeira o objetivo é compreender a emergência desse conceito em meio à crise que se seguiu à desagregação da ordem medieval. É possível identificar neste período aquilo que pode ser chamado de corolário anti-imperial. Essa dimensão axiológica precisa ser considerada nessa história como referência para o surgimento desse conceito no vocabulário político. Na segunda parte será examinada a fixação desse termo na linguagem internacional corrente. Um elemento que contribuiu para isso e que será examinado foi a existência de uma sociabilidade comercial como parte do mundo político. Além disso, essa fixação traz consigo um corolário conservador que se relaciona a uma concepção específica de funcionamento da política internacional. Por fim, os capítulos dessa parte apresentarão uma discussão sobre o componente temporal de balance of power com especial destaque para a afirmação de que esse conceito funciona como um regulador ontológico da história. Do ponto de vista temporal, o argumento desta tese lida com um período que vai, basicamente, dos séculos XIII ao século XIX. / [en] This dissertation aims at offering a history of the concept balance of power. Drawing on the Begriffsgeschichte, I will try to understand how a given space of experience and a given horizon of expectations have been constituted through this concept. The argument is divided into two parts. In the first part the aim is to understand how the concept emerged out of the collapse of the Medieval order. It is possible to identify in this period what will be called an anti-imperial corollary. This very axiological dimension needs to be contemplated as a reference to the appearance of this term in the political lexicon. In the second part the fixation of the concept in the current international language will be examined. An element that brought about this process and that will be analysed was the presence of a commercial sociability as part of the political realm. Furthermore, the fixation is related to a conservative corollary which elicits a specific conception of the functioning of international politics. Last but not least, the chapters in this part will present a discussion of the temporal dimension of balance of power with special attention to the claim that this concept works as an ontological regulator of history. From the temporal point of view, the argument of this dissertation deals with a period that goes from the 13th to the 19th century.

This particular work deals with the process of expansion by the North Atlantic Alliance in view of the theory of balance of power and the relationship between Russia and NATO. The author of the work draws on assumption that NATO's expansions, that have followed the end of the cold war, strengthen NATO's might, to which Russia must react to counter the growing power of the potential adversary. This work is divided into two main thematic parts. The first part regards the three waves of the expansion which followed the breakup of the Soviet Union (1999, 2004, and 2009); therein, the author analyzes NATO's strengthening on the military, political and geopolitical levels. The second part of the work is devoted to unveiling of Russia's potential counterbalancing steps. The Russian attempt to counterbalance the NATO's moves, of course, has also been analyzed within three frames - military, political and geopolitical. The analysis of the counterbalancing by Russia, as well as the strengthening of NATO is presented within the frame defined by five year periods. To facilitate the theoretical view, the power counterbalancing analyses has been divided into, so called, "Hard balancing" and "Soft balancing". Because the end of the bipolar conflict contributed to substantial changes in international political...

The increasing pace of climate change in the last two decades has brought the Arctic, a former geopolitical afterthought, into growing prominence on the global stage. Receding ice and melting tundra have made a cornucopia of rare earth metals and hydrocarbons ripe for extraction as well as opened new shipping lanes which have the potential to revolutionize how goods are moved around the planet. In this emerging environment is a budding balance of power which involves the most powerful actors in the world-system, two of which, the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, are the focus of this thesis. Their respective arctic policies shape the balance of power for not only themselves, but for all other actors in the theater. The United States' laissez faire attitude towards the Arctic has caused it to fall behind the progress of other powers in the region which could make it difficult to assert its influence in the theater in the future. China however has chosen to follow an ambitious arctic policy despite its geographical distance from the region, and has given the arctic a prominent position in its greater Belt and Road project, much to the suspicion of traditional arctic powers. Analyzed through a realist lens, the balance of power in the Arctic appears to be stable for the...

This thesis called "The United States and the strategic triangle of China-India-Pakistan" examines how the states balance mutual threats. It also focuses on the aspect of U.S.-Pakistani relationship which is a key factor for the further development of the relations in the region. Strategic triangle relations can be defined by Sino-Pakistani alliance, Sino-Indian differences and Indian-Pakistani rivalry. The work is based on a realist concept of the balance of power theory with further focus on the Stephen M. Walt's concept of balance of threat. Based on the theoretical framework, the main threats of the triangle states and the ways they balance these threats are analysed. The growing economic and military power of China and India has resulted in intense balancing, with China using an alliance with Pakistan and strengthening its economic strategies, and with India strengthening the ties with the U.S. and other countries in the region. This ignites a significant security dilemma between China and India, further leading to a potential conflict. The paper further argues that the relationship between the U.S. and Pakistan is key for maintaining regional balance. Therefore, to maintain the strong ties with Pakistan, a setting of long-term U.S. strategy in Pakistan is crucial for increasing the...

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The master thesis called US-India Strategic Partnership as a Balance for China's Increasing Power examines development of relationship between USA and India in the years 2000-2011. American foreign policy toward India has been transformed in this period; it has evolved from open hostility during Cold War and mistrust in the nineties to the position when it is helping India to gain status of global importance. Improvement of US-India ties are explained by the need of the United States to contain increasing Chinese power. Main arguments of the analysis are based on the realistic balance of power theory, which is further enhanced by the by Joseph Nye's three dimensional concept of power. The thesis therefore distinguishes three different sources of threat to American dominant position caused by China. These sources are following: expanding China's sphere of influence into Indian Ocean and South China Sea; US-China bilateral trade deficit and high amount of American bonds owned by China, challenge to the legitimacy of American power by soft power of China. American efforts to establish cooperation with India in order to balance Chinese influence can be founded in all of these issues. The thesis concludes that motivation of the United States to enter into a strategic partnership with India can be...

This diploma thesis deals with the creation of Uzbekistan's foreign policy. It attempts to answer three main research questions: What were the chief goals of Tashkent's foreign policy? What were the factors that influenced the creation of Uzbekistan's foreign policy? Which factors and causes played the decisive role in the case of Uzbekistan's most significant foreign policy turnovers in 2001, 2005 and 2012? It claims the principal aims of Uzbekistan's foreign policy were threefold. Firstly, it was the preservation of Uzbekistan's independence. Secondly, it was the strengthening and securing of Karimov's regime. Finally, it was the attempt to become the regional leader in Central Asia. Subsequently, the study maintains that the foreign policy formulation was altered by four processes or challenges which the regime in Tashkent had to cope with. These were namely the challenge of geopolitical position, establishing of a viable political system, transforming the command economy, and the threat of radical or political Islam. Uzbekistan's pendulum diplomacy between the US and Russia is a new term coined for the purposes of this study. I argue that Tashkent was prone to change abruptly its strategic partner in order to secure its three strategic imperatives. Hence, there occurred three turnovers of...

Outer Space has been a contested domain since the Cold War but in the past few decades with the advancement of technology, it has become even more desirable. Outer space has become extremely important in our everyday lives from satellite telecommunications, television broadcasting, weather forecasting, and navigation. The many uses of satellites can also trigger a dual use for military purposes and the weaponization of outer space. In the field of militarization and weaponization of outer space, there is not a significant set of agreements, except for the Outer Space Treaty (1967). This thesis is exploring the Russian behavior in the scope of their judicial and practical decisions in the militarization and weaponization of outer space. Their judicial decisions are analyzed with the balance of power theory since it better explains why Russia maintains a collaborative and diplomatic behavior in this domain. Their practical behavior is analyzed using offensive realism to better understand why they had developed aggressive behavior and chose to develop weapons in the field of outer space.

Since the end of the Cold War, modern Russian and Chinese relations have been characterized by strategic defense, economic, and diplomatic cooperation. This strategic cooperation has become increasingly coordinated, with the motives behind Russo-Sino cooperation increasingly becoming the focus of academic debate. While both states declare that it is not an “alliance,” other terms have been used, such as “alignment”. This concept has only recently gained greater academic attention. This paper presents a theoretical framework on alignment as a process and its constituent mechanisms. Drawing on neo-classical realism and alliance theory, this paper bridges theoretical IR concepts to empirical data, employing a case study methodology that utilizes congruence analysis. It highlights that alignment is a present feature of modern Russian-Chinese relations and it is driven by their perceptions of threat and the global and regional balances of power.