On September 11, 2001 United States faced the most massive terrorist attack in the history, one that killed nearly 3000 people. A tragedy followed by enormous consequences considering the collapse of the World Trade Center, as two hijacked planes crashed into the twin towers in New York City, one plane crashed into Pentagon and another domestic scheduled passenger flight, that crashed into a field in Somerset County, Pennsylvania. This qualitative case study will examine whether the attacks on 9/11 was a backlash to U.S. political dominance globally. This study will also examine to what extent the policy making executed by the Bush administration post 9/11, was a demonstration of hegemony and political dominance based on offensive realism. The conclusion of this study was that to a large extent, the attacks on 9/11 was a backlash to U.S. political dominance and to a large extent the Bush administration's response to 9/11 can be defined as hegemony based on offensive realism.

China’s successful test of a direct ascent anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon last year marks a highly significant development in the strategic use of outer space and represents a milestone achievement in China’s quest to develop asymmetrical anti-access and area denial strategies to counter the ability of the United States military to operate effectively in the Western Pacific. However, the reckless manner in which the test was conducted, producing as it did a historic amount of dangerous space debris, and the unresponsive and duplicitous manner in which the Beijing government dealt with (or failed to deal with) the diplomatic fallout produced by the test have led scholars to speculate that the test was the result of one of the following: 1) a desire to challenge the U.S. dominance in space, 2) an effort to force the issue of space weapons arms control to the diplomatic forefront, or 3) a diplomatic blunder resulting from bureaucratic “stovepiping” and miscommunication. However, these three viewpoints, while all providing valuable insights into Chinese decision-making, fail to fully develop the topic and leave key questions unanswered. The purpose of this study is to link the questions raised by the aforementioned typologies and achieve a deeper level of analysis vis-à-vis the application of the theoretical prism of offensive realism. Ultimately this study finds that the ASAT test represents a top-level decision made by the Chinese leadership, and was informed by a number of strategic and domestic-political factors, none of which bode particularly well for the future of U.S.-Chinese relations. / China’s successful test of a direct ascent anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon last year marks a highly significant development in the strategic use of outer space and represents a milestone achievement in China’s quest to develop asymmetrical anti-access and area denial strategies to counter the ability of the United States military to operate effectively in the Western Pacific. However, the reckless manner in which the test was conducted, producing as it did a historic amount of dangerous space debris, and the unresponsive and duplicitous manner in which the Beijing government dealt with (or failed to deal with) the diplomatic fallout produced by the test have led scholars to speculate that the test was the result of one of the following: 1) a desire to challenge the U.S. dominance in space, 2) an effort to force the issue of space weapons arms control to the diplomatic forefront, or 3) a diplomatic blunder resulting from bureaucratic “stovepiping” and miscommunication. However, these three viewpoints, while all providing valuable insights into Chinese decision-making, fail to fully develop the topic and leave key questions unanswered. The purpose of this study is to link the questions raised by the aforementioned typologies and achieve a deeper level of analysis vis-à-vis the application of the theoretical prism of offensive realism. Ultimately this study finds that the ASAT test represents a top-level decision made by the Chinese leadership, and was informed by a number of strategic and domestic-political factors, none of which bode particularly well for the future of U.S.-Chinese relations.

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Qualquer disciplina científica que se entenda como tal deve, constantemente, avaliar criticamente o mérito interno de suas abordagens, em termos de sua progressividade e da geração de conhecimento relevante. É exatamente a este tipo de reflexão que o presente trabalho doutoral se propõe, tendo como objeto a teoria das relações internacionais. Trata-se, efetivamente, de um exercício situado na fronteira entre a epistemologia, ou teoria do conhecimento, e a apreciação teórica das dinâmicas da política internacional. Precisamente, propõe-se uma análise do fôlego teórico-científico da vertente estrutural do realismo político, da forma desenvolvida seminalmente por Kenneth Waltz, diante de emendas teóricas incorporadas pelo realismo ofensivo de John Mearsheimer. Como uma tal discussão não pode prescindir de uma referência metateórica, optou-se pela aplicação da Metodologia dos Programas de Pesquisa Científicos desenvolvida por Imre Lakatos. Espera-se com esta investigação trazer três contribuições fundamentais ao estudo teórico das relações internacionais: (i) o delineamento da proposta epistemológica de Lakatos e de seus critérios de aplicação, bem como a discussão de sua adequação às ciências sociais, em geral, e à teoria das relações internacionais, em particular; (ii) sistematizar o realismo estrutural na forma de um programa de pesquisa científico, identificando seu núcleo duro, seu cinturão de proteção de hipóteses auxiliares e suas heurísticas negativa e positiva; e (iii) demonstrar que o realismo ofensivo mearsheimeriano representa uma mudança teórica intraprogramática progressiva no interior do Programa de Pesquisa Científico do Realismo Estrutural. / Any scientific field of research must constantly and critically evaluate its internal developments, in terms of progressiveness and the construction of significant knowledge. That is precisely what the present dissertation is set out to do, regarding the theory of international relations. It is indeed an exercise located at the frontier between epistemology and the theoretical understanding of the international political dynamics. Specifically, the theoretical-scientific depth of structural realism, as seminally developed by Kenneth Waltz, will be analyzed in face of recent theoretical amendments proposed by John Mearsheimer\'s offensive realism. Since such an approach cannot be conducted in the absence of a metatheoretical referential, Imre Lakatos\' Methodology of Scientific Research Programs (MSRP) will be applied. Three main contributions are expected to follow from our study: (i) a clearer understanding of Lakatos\' epistemology proposal and its criteria, as well as a discussion of the adequacy of the MSRP for the social sciences, in general, and the theory of international relations, in particular; (ii) a more systematic approach to structural realism as a scientific research program, identifying its hard core, its protective belt of auxiliary hypothesis and its negative and positive heuristics; and (iii) the appreciation of offensive realism as a progressive theoryshift for the Structural Realist Research Program.

In recent decades, the EU has significantly expanded its presence and influence in many of the former Soviet states. This essay have examined how the relationship between the EU and Russia has change since The Eastern Partnership was introduced 2009 and the extent to which it can be seen as a contributing factor. The Eastern Partnership is a joint initiative involving the EU, its Member States and six Eastern European Partners. Among this six this essay has focued on Ukraine and its part in the relationship between EU and Russia. This essay have been a theory-consuming case study that analyzes and explains the EU and Russia`s actions concerning the EaP, with the help of Mearsheimer`s theory of offensive realism. The analysis showed that the relations between EU and Russia had changed and deteriorated. The Eastern Partnership has provoked Russia and has made them feel restricted in their sphere of power. There has been a conflict over the six countries, including Ukraine, between the EU and Russia.

South Korea should join the US BMD in Northeast Asia. Application of Offensive Realism clearly shows that China is a potential threat to South Korea, and Seoul requires an alliance partner in order to counter the threat from the west. The immense latent power and offensive military capabilities of China, coupled with its nuclear strategic weapons render China as a potential threat to South Korean national security. No independent action from South Korea would be sufficient to balance against China, hence the need for an ally. The United States is already engaged in relative power maximization against China. In addition, its role as an offshore balancer and status as a regional hegemon in the western hemisphere makes the US the most ideal alliance partner for South Korea. The alliance with the US to balance against China cannot be built upon the existing ROK-US alliance, because the current status of the alliance has deteriorated. One of the key causes of alliance deterioration could be attributed to the unilateral American security assistance to South Korea. Seoul’s participation in the US BMD would solve the non-reciprocating role of South Korea found in the existing ROK-US alliance. Because the benefits from South Korea’s participation in the US BMD are great for Washington, Seoul would be able to secure the US as an alliance partner to balance against China. Keywords: US, South Korea, China, Ballistic Missile Defense, ROK-US Alliance, Offensive Realism.

Qualquer disciplina científica que se entenda como tal deve, constantemente, avaliar criticamente o mérito interno de suas abordagens, em termos de sua progressividade e da geração de conhecimento relevante. É exatamente a este tipo de reflexão que o presente trabalho doutoral se propõe, tendo como objeto a teoria das relações internacionais. Trata-se, efetivamente, de um exercício situado na fronteira entre a epistemologia, ou teoria do conhecimento, e a apreciação teórica das dinâmicas da política internacional. Precisamente, propõe-se uma análise do fôlego teórico-científico da vertente estrutural do realismo político, da forma desenvolvida seminalmente por Kenneth Waltz, diante de emendas teóricas incorporadas pelo realismo ofensivo de John Mearsheimer. Como uma tal discussão não pode prescindir de uma referência metateórica, optou-se pela aplicação da Metodologia dos Programas de Pesquisa Científicos desenvolvida por Imre Lakatos. Espera-se com esta investigação trazer três contribuições fundamentais ao estudo teórico das relações internacionais: (i) o delineamento da proposta epistemológica de Lakatos e de seus critérios de aplicação, bem como a discussão de sua adequação às ciências sociais, em geral, e à teoria das relações internacionais, em particular; (ii) sistematizar o realismo estrutural na forma de um programa de pesquisa científico, identificando seu núcleo duro, seu cinturão de proteção de hipóteses auxiliares e suas heurísticas negativa e positiva; e (iii) demonstrar que o realismo ofensivo mearsheimeriano representa uma mudança teórica intraprogramática progressiva no interior do Programa de Pesquisa Científico do Realismo Estrutural. / Any scientific field of research must constantly and critically evaluate its internal developments, in terms of progressiveness and the construction of significant knowledge. That is precisely what the present dissertation is set out to do, regarding the theory of international relations. It is indeed an exercise located at the frontier between epistemology and the theoretical understanding of the international political dynamics. Specifically, the theoretical-scientific depth of structural realism, as seminally developed by Kenneth Waltz, will be analyzed in face of recent theoretical amendments proposed by John Mearsheimer\'s offensive realism. Since such an approach cannot be conducted in the absence of a metatheoretical referential, Imre Lakatos\' Methodology of Scientific Research Programs (MSRP) will be applied. Three main contributions are expected to follow from our study: (i) a clearer understanding of Lakatos\' epistemology proposal and its criteria, as well as a discussion of the adequacy of the MSRP for the social sciences, in general, and the theory of international relations, in particular; (ii) a more systematic approach to structural realism as a scientific research program, identifying its hard core, its protective belt of auxiliary hypothesis and its negative and positive heuristics; and (iii) the appreciation of offensive realism as a progressive theoryshift for the Structural Realist Research Program.

The great strategic distrust between the two world largest economic and military powers is one of the most debated topics in contemporary international relations. This thesis question if the current hegemon view its new competitor as an offensive or defensive realist state and which policies should consequently be taken. China’s policy of peaceful coexistence and the U.S attempt of global integration may not be fully compatible and the thesis illuminates the contradicting notions of China Confucius values and how they are visible in its foreign policy rhetoric. The thesis conclude by stating that the China’s ambitions in not seen as following the guidelines of a defensive realist state in the eye of the United States and that China’s so called unique characteristics and values are mere rhetoric that does not seem to shape its current foreign policy. The U.S response is so far a passive containment by increasing cooperation with other actors in the region as a balancing act while simultaneously cautiously engage and try to influence China to adopt policies fitting a global player and work for peaceful solutions to international problems. Thus China is not seen as either a friend or a foe but is currently viewed as being in a grey area of competitor and cooperator.

This paper explores theoretical propositions derived from offensive realism, applied to the instance of military export and foreign policy strategies of Russia and the U.S in the field of Africa during the post- Cold War period. The sections of this paper have disserted paradigms of this phenomena by applying the congruence method under the overarching theoretical umbrella of foreign policy analysis, to answer the question regarding does offensive realism provide relevant explanatory insight on the foreign policy of Russia and the U.S in the realm of the African security nexus? The study concludes that the degree as to which offensive realism provides relevant explanatory insight on the foreign policy strategies of the actors is strongly competitive in contrast to other explanatory theories. The study further adds to the propositions of the theoretical framework by arguing that it is conceivable that the ambition to prevent the rise of another hegemon is likely to be prioritized within foreign policy strategy to a greater extent than has been previously asserted, and has in some cases been seen as more imperative than the aspect of maximizing the domestic security, and thus survival.

This thesis aims to shed light on the differences between offensive and a specific version of neoclassical realism on their expectations regarding how a great power shapes its environment. The neoclassical framework proposed in this work constitutes an independent variable captured by the polarity in the system, an intervening variable of state capacity, and a dependent variable of revisionist foreign policy. It is argued that along with multipolarity and bipolarity, there is a need to incorporate unipolarity in structural realist accounts. Analysed from this perspective, great powers feel high external pressure due to the nature of unipolarity, which diminishes the value of pure structural frameworks. In this respect, the incorporation of state-level factors provides more reliable analyses for explaining anxious great powers` strive for regional hegemony. As a result, neoclassical realism is better equipped to explain Russia`s revisionist foreign policy.