This thesis examines the current Chinese foreign policy, planning and practice in terms of the strategic cultural studies which was developed and used by the United States during the cold war to accurately interpret the strategic thinking of the Soviet Union. The studies, after 30 years of evolution has made its contribution to the interpretation of national strategic behavior as well. The strategic cultural studies, however, has also aroused widespread concern because it entirely breaks the traditional boundaries of disciplines, science and culture, philosophy and strategic research, trying to interpret the strategic phenomenon in terms of ideology and culture, and clarifying the relevance of the phenomenon¡¦s past, present, and future. More importantly, the strategic culture studies questions the concept of structure of realism that a nation is a single, common, non-historical, and rational actor, but assumes that the strategic environment and its response are the results of historical building and social learning. The establishment of China¡¦s national policy at different times has been determined by two factors: the ever-changing domestic and international environments and the influence of its national leader. So after four national leaders and from the perspective of China¡¦s national strategy, the CPC foreign policy can be basically divided into two periods: prior and post reform and opening up. Before the 1978 reform, China was forced to deal with the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, and the then national leader Mao Zedong decided to adopt its foreign policy largely based on the "war and revolution,". As a result, China classed all the countries around the world by means of international class struggle, and utilized the strategy of the united front to confront them. While it helped China to raise its national self-esteem, national unity and morale , most of the time the nation had to pay a painful price due to the ignorance of reality . Since China began to adopt the policy of reforming and opening up in 1980s, the nation has changed its strategic development course from politics to economy, making it necessary to ponder its foreign policy rationally; therefore, the national interest has become the fundamental directives of it. International observers note that China has moved from the "war and revolution" to "peace and development", and the peripheral peace has become the core issue of the nation¡¦s foreign policy. Ruled by Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, China¡¦s comprehensive national strength has risen rapidly, and its regional and even global influence has been increasing at the same time. The responsibility of a great power and the national image have become increasingly important to China., so based on Deng Xiaoping's diplomatic policy , Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, in response to domestic and international evolution of the situation, have continued to put forward such diplomatic discourses as "great power diplomacy", "new security concept", "peaceful rise", and "harmonious world", with particular emphasis on culture. It can be perceived that while enhancing the traditional national strength, China also emphasizes on the influence that culture has exerted on international community. And the PRC has been stressing "Chinese characteristics", which has made a great impact on the international community dominated by the Western values . "Beijing Consensus" and "China threat " are the direct reflection of this trend. Contrary to the Cold War, military forces nowadays can not completely reflect a nation's influence. In the 21st century, A nation¡¦s influence has a new name: an international image, which can only be obtained through moral, intellectual, scientific, artistic, economic, cultural and other achievements by a nation. They can be perceived as an ideal projection of international image. This development has made the CCP's foreign policy, regardless of political, economic, security and cultural aspects, change from isolation to participation and cooperation with other countries. As China¡¦s comprehensive national strength increases, its demand for the international responsibility and authority will increase accordingly, which is a correct way a nation should act diplomatically. However, this will inevitably lead to restructuring of the international authority, causing the counter-attack of the old forces. An all-out confrontation will eventually arise in the cognition of both power and values. Thus, the reaction of powers like the United States will become the restrictions and challenges of CPC's foreign policy. Facing the rise of Chinese influence and intertwined with the power struggle of the United States and China, Taiwan has to deal with these complicated issues with maximum discretion, and it will surely become a major issue in developing our own foreign policy .

The United States lost its prime opponent, the Soviet Union, since Post-Cold War. To assure its hegemonic status, Joseph Nye initiated the strategy of soft power to former President Bush and Clinton’s administration, and which had influenced People’s Republic of China (as known as a potential enemy to U.S.) profoundly. Soft power is such a wonderful elementary factor that made a dictatorial state like China a huge change both in its polity and image of the world. Moreover, China had been activated by American strategy of soft power, and eventually developed its own ‘Chinese character’ soft power, which had attracted at least by its peripheral states. Commensurate with its rapid economic and diplomatic development, China used to be considered as “China’s threat”, then due to China’s soft power strategy in terms of “Confucianism” and “Wang Dao”(benign) thought had been well responded by the world. As a dominated state, maybe it is time for the United States to think about trying not to conduct the soft power as a diplomatic tool only, but to seek a new strategy of soft power that combined tolerance and respect toward the others. Anyway, by the engagement of soft power among international relations, and the interdependency of regional economy, the author has an optimistic view for a harmonious world in the future. Key words: Post-Cold War, soft power, China’s threat, Wang Dao, harmonious world. / The United States lost its prime opponent, the Soviet Union, since Post-Cold War. To assure its hegemonic status, Joseph Nye initiated the strategy of soft power to former President Bush and Clinton’s administration, and which had influenced People’s Republic of China (as known as a potential enemy to U.S.) profoundly. Soft power is such a wonderful elementary factor that made a dictatorial state like China a huge change both in its polity and image of the world. Moreover, China had been activated by American strategy of soft power, and eventually developed its own ‘Chinese character’ soft power, which had attracted at least by its peripheral states. Commensurate with its rapid economic and diplomatic development, China used to be considered as “China’s threat”, then due to China’s soft power strategy in terms of “Confucianism” and “Wang Dao”(benign) thought had been well responded by the world. As a dominated state, maybe it is time for the United States to think about trying not to conduct the soft power as a diplomatic tool only, but to seek a new strategy of soft power that combined tolerance and respect toward the others. Anyway, by the engagement of soft power among international relations, and the interdependency of regional economy, the author has an optimistic view for a harmonious world in the future. Key words: Post-Cold War, soft power, China’s threat, Wang Dao, harmonious world.

Samuel Huntington provoked great debate among international relations (IR) theorists with an article titled ¡¥The Clash of Civilizations?¡¦ and thus caused ¡¥civilizational turn¡¦ in international studies. While criticizing Huntington¡¦s mode of analysis, the IR theorists seek alternative ways of interpreting civilization. This civilizational turn has also emerged in the discussion of ¡¥non-western IR theories¡¦. Reflecting the Eurocentrism of the discipline, some of the IR theorists have kept searching alternative ways of theorizing the world through cultures and historical experiences originated in the non-western areas, which conceive of learning across different ways of being (ontology) and knowing (epistemology). This dissertation analyzes the possibility of an Asian school of international relations through civilizational analysis of non-western IR theories with Asian perspectives. While Asia is often regarded as a highly heterogeneous area both culturally and economically, this dissertation explores the compatibilities or even commonalities among discourses of Asian intellectual communities on civilization which may consist of a school of thought serving to enrich and dialogue with contemporary IR theories. The dissertation consists of three case studies: Confucian ¡¥Harmonious world¡¦, Nishida¡¦s philosophy on ¡¥nothingness¡¦ and postcolonial India with principles of non-violence, nonalignment and subaltern studies. Based on different ontologies and epistemologies, these three schools of thought contribute a common alternative way of interpreting world politics: the middle way, which provides the rationale for the possibility of an open Asian regionalism.

The great strategic distrust between the two world largest economic and military powers is one of the most debated topics in contemporary international relations. This thesis question if the current hegemon view its new competitor as an offensive or defensive realist state and which policies should consequently be taken. China’s policy of peaceful coexistence and the U.S attempt of global integration may not be fully compatible and the thesis illuminates the contradicting notions of China Confucius values and how they are visible in its foreign policy rhetoric. The thesis conclude by stating that the China’s ambitions in not seen as following the guidelines of a defensive realist state in the eye of the United States and that China’s so called unique characteristics and values are mere rhetoric that does not seem to shape its current foreign policy. The U.S response is so far a passive containment by increasing cooperation with other actors in the region as a balancing act while simultaneously cautiously engage and try to influence China to adopt policies fitting a global player and work for peaceful solutions to international problems. Thus China is not seen as either a friend or a foe but is currently viewed as being in a grey area of competitor and cooperator.

Multiplicity is a key challenge and opportunity of world politics, yet scholars continue to struggle to do it justice. One way of reducing the challenge multiple times and spaces present us with has been to organise them allochronically, to align spatial difference in temporal sequence. The effect is a story where others are not different, they are just behind. Scholars have criticised this thinking as it appears in “Western thought”. In recent years, suggestions have emerged that Chinese thought may offer an alternative that escapes allochronic thinking, most notably through the foreign policy-driven concept “harmonious world”. Scholars have studied this term with the aim of finding out its true meaning. This thesis asks instead what “harmony” – and more specifically “harmonious world” – does when it is deployed in contemporary China. It traces the concept across several contexts: the policy documents and speeches that launched it as an official term; the academic literatures that asked what a harmonious world might look like; the propaganda at Expo 2010 Shanghai China that aimed to illustrate it; and the online spoofing culture egao that was used to criticise, resist and avoid “harmonisation”.The key claim of this thesis is that “harmonious world”, as articulated in the contexts examined here, has not taken place, is not taking place and will not take place. Ways of thinking about time, space and multiplicity in China’s relation to the world, and particularly “harmonious world”, repeat the allochronising logic recognisable from “Western” discourses, which disallows the openness of the future and reduces the possibilities of harmony and of the political. As an effect of its excessive proliferation harmony disappears as an imagined metaphysical possibility . The harmonious system is not based on co-operation or non co-operation, but works according to what this thesis calls an onco-operative logic: the quasi-suicidal logic of cancer and the (auto)immune. Ultimately, the aim and most important contribution of this thesis is to bring the onco-operative uncertainty of the political back into the harmonious world concept in order to elucidate the negotiation of danger and necessity of multiplicity.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar os ganhos geopolíticos do programa sino-brasileiro de satélites de recursos terrestres (CBERS). O codesenvolvimento pelo Brasil e pela China de uma série de satélites de sensoriamento remoto elevou a capacidade de ambos os países de ampliar os meios para zelar pela soberania sobre seus territórios nacionais. Esse programa de cooperação Sul-Sul também impactou positivamente no desenvolvimento desses países, à medida que possibilitou a execução de políticas públicas mais eficazes para áreas de difícil acesso como o deserto de Gobi na China e a floresta amazônica no Brasil. Além disso, o desenvolvimento e lançamento exitoso dos satélites da família CBERS também auferiu ganhos políticos no âmbito internacional. De fato, a aquisição dessa tecnologia permitiu ao Brasil e a China uma atuação mais proativa nos regimes internacionais relacionados ao espaço exterior, como COPUOS, CEOS e GEO/GEOSS. Ela também ensejou a realização de uma política de vanguarda de distribuição de imagens, baseada na premissa de que os dados geoespaciais são bens públicos globais. Esse entendimento levou, enfim, à realização de uma política de distribuição gratuita de imagens CBERS, primeiramente para os territórios nacionais do Brasil e da China e, posteriormente para países da América do Sul e para todo continente africano, culminando, em 2010, com sua globalização. Desse modo, o presente trabalho visa analisar se a aquisição da tecnologia de sensoriamento remoto via satélite efetivamente facultou ao Brasil e a China uma maior capacidade de influência no sistema internacional de poder e, igualmente, se há relação entre o programa CBERS e as políticas externas do Brasil e da China, principalmente no que tange à promoção da cooperação Sul-Sul na política externa solidária do governo Lula e ao conceito de mundo harmonioso da diplomacia chinesa. / The present dissertation aims to analyze the geopolitical gains of the China-Brazil Earth Resources Satellite Program (CBERS). The co-development of a series of remote sensing satellites by Brazil and China allowed both countries to broaden the means to safeguard the sovereignty over their national territories. This program of South-South cooperation also positively affected the development of these countries, as it enabled the implementation of more effective public policies towards areas with difficult access like the Gobi Desert in China and the Amazon forest in Brazil. Furthermore, the successful development and launch of CBERS family satellites also generated political gains internationally. In fact, the acquisition of this technology allowed Brazil and China to proceed more proactively in the international regimes related to outer space, like COPUOS, CEOS and GEO/GEOSS. It also allowed the realization of a vanguard policy of images distribution, based on the premise that geospatial data are global public goods. Such understanding fostered the development of a policy of free distribution of CBERS images, primarily for the national territories of Brazil and China and later to countries in South America and throughout the African continent, culminating in 2010 with its globalization. Thus, this study aims to examine whether the acquisition of technology of remote sensing satellite provided Brazil and China a greater ability to influence the international power system and what is the relationship between the CBERS program and the foreign policies of Brazil and China, especially regarding the promotion of South-South cooperation in President Lulas foreign policy and in the concept of "harmonious world" of Chinese diplomacy.

新興強權的崛起，勢將影響國際權力結構。自冷戰結束以來，國際體系維持著以美國為主導的單極為主多極體系，然全球化的影響，美國權力不免出現離散的下降趨勢。中共的崛起，成為可能挑戰以美國所主導的國際體系，使美中間的權力互動成為世人關切的焦點。 中共的國際戰略旨在維護和鞏固其在國際領域中的國家利益。自建政以來，歷代領導人審視國際權力結構的動態，制訂其國際戰略，俾在權力平衡的運作中，追求最大的國家利益。中共在面對「中國威脅論」的不利態勢，在16大以後，胡、溫領導以「和諧世界」戰略做為外交政策的指導原則；充滿理想主義的和諧世界戰略，能否改變國際間對中共這個新興強權的疑慮，成為全球矚目的焦點。 本文為瞭解中共和諧世界戰略與美中台間的關係發展與影響，採用歷史文獻分析法，藉由多元研究途徑，探討中共和諧世界戰略發展的歷程、背景與內涵及與美中台關係發展的影響。 研究發現，和諧世界戰略充滿理想主義色彩，但本質仍是追求權力平衡的觀點，企圖改變現階段美中權力結構的不和諧與不對等；和諧世界戰略提出後，受到主要國家的歡迎，相對的拉近美中之間權力結構的差距；但美國對中共威脅認知、雙方對權力的觀點、其他主要國家（戰略樞紐者如：俄、日、印、歐盟等）的抉擇及台灣問題的潛在衝突等，仍將影響美中台關係的未來發展。 / The rise of emerging powers is bound to affect the power structure of the international. Since the conclusion of the Cold War, a uni-multipolar system with the US as the only superpower has been dominating the arena of international politics. However, the US power diffuses and descends as a result of globalization. On the other hand, China’s rise to regional hegemony and the subsequent adjustment of its international strategy is posing a challenge to the US-dominated international political system. The interaction between Washington and Beijing has become a critical factor in the development of global politics. The PRC’s international strategy aims to secure and consolidate its national interests in the global society. Since the establishment of the Communist regime, the paramount leaders have examined the dynamics of international power structure and formulated its international strategy accordingly in order to pursue the maximum national interests in the operations of balance of power. Since the sixteenth Communist Party Congress, Hu Jintao and Wen Jia Bau has enshrined “harmonious world” as the guidelines for the country’s foreign policy. The latest international strategy sets a new direction for the development of the US-China relations. Since then whether or not the nominally idealistic “harmonious world” strategy helps reduce America’s suspicion of the potential rival has taken the limelight of international politics. This paper adopts document analysis and employs diversified research approach to explore, in terms of balance of power, the development process of the PRC’s international strategy, the contents of the “harmonious world” strategy, and the influence of the strategy upon the relations between the US- China and Taiwan. The findings of this study include the following points: The PRC’s “harmonious world” strategy is only idealistic in name but in essence, it still holds the Chinese traditional wisdom of balance of power; the strategy aims to rectify the existing discord and asymmetry in the power structure of US-China relations; and, although the strategy reduces the gap in the US-China power structure to a certain extent, America’s perception of China threat, mutual recognition of the contrast of national power, the decisions of other strategic pivots (such as the strategic hub are: i.e. Russia, Japan, India, and the European Union), and the dispute on Taiwan will continue to dictate the development of the bilateral relations between the US - PRC and the Taiwan.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar os ganhos geopolíticos do programa sino-brasileiro de satélites de recursos terrestres (CBERS). O codesenvolvimento pelo Brasil e pela China de uma série de satélites de sensoriamento remoto elevou a capacidade de ambos os países de ampliar os meios para zelar pela soberania sobre seus territórios nacionais. Esse programa de cooperação Sul-Sul também impactou positivamente no desenvolvimento desses países, à medida que possibilitou a execução de políticas públicas mais eficazes para áreas de difícil acesso como o deserto de Gobi na China e a floresta amazônica no Brasil. Além disso, o desenvolvimento e lançamento exitoso dos satélites da família CBERS também auferiu ganhos políticos no âmbito internacional. De fato, a aquisição dessa tecnologia permitiu ao Brasil e a China uma atuação mais proativa nos regimes internacionais relacionados ao espaço exterior, como COPUOS, CEOS e GEO/GEOSS. Ela também ensejou a realização de uma política de vanguarda de distribuição de imagens, baseada na premissa de que os dados geoespaciais são bens públicos globais. Esse entendimento levou, enfim, à realização de uma política de distribuição gratuita de imagens CBERS, primeiramente para os territórios nacionais do Brasil e da China e, posteriormente para países da América do Sul e para todo continente africano, culminando, em 2010, com sua globalização. Desse modo, o presente trabalho visa analisar se a aquisição da tecnologia de sensoriamento remoto via satélite efetivamente facultou ao Brasil e a China uma maior capacidade de influência no sistema internacional de poder e, igualmente, se há relação entre o programa CBERS e as políticas externas do Brasil e da China, principalmente no que tange à promoção da cooperação Sul-Sul na política externa solidária do governo Lula e ao conceito de mundo harmonioso da diplomacia chinesa. / The present dissertation aims to analyze the geopolitical gains of the China-Brazil Earth Resources Satellite Program (CBERS). The co-development of a series of remote sensing satellites by Brazil and China allowed both countries to broaden the means to safeguard the sovereignty over their national territories. This program of South-South cooperation also positively affected the development of these countries, as it enabled the implementation of more effective public policies towards areas with difficult access like the Gobi Desert in China and the Amazon forest in Brazil. Furthermore, the successful development and launch of CBERS family satellites also generated political gains internationally. In fact, the acquisition of this technology allowed Brazil and China to proceed more proactively in the international regimes related to outer space, like COPUOS, CEOS and GEO/GEOSS. It also allowed the realization of a vanguard policy of images distribution, based on the premise that geospatial data are global public goods. Such understanding fostered the development of a policy of free distribution of CBERS images, primarily for the national territories of Brazil and China and later to countries in South America and throughout the African continent, culminating in 2010 with its globalization. Thus, this study aims to examine whether the acquisition of technology of remote sensing satellite provided Brazil and China a greater ability to influence the international power system and what is the relationship between the CBERS program and the foreign policies of Brazil and China, especially regarding the promotion of South-South cooperation in President Lulas foreign policy and in the concept of "harmonious world" of Chinese diplomacy.