Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-07-27T14:01:00Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Das docas de comércio ao cais contínuo.pdf: 8610260 bytes, checksum: 39ab9f931b0efc4d604258a1ad84efa6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T14:01:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Das docas de comércio ao cais contínuo.pdf: 8610260 bytes, checksum: 39ab9f931b0efc4d604258a1ad84efa6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-23 / CAPEs / Governo imperial brasileiro autorizou companhias privadas para a construção de docas nos portos, mediante a concessão de taxas sobre a carga, descarga, guarda e conservação de mercadorias durante 90 anos, com a autorização do decreto nº 1.746 de 13 de outubro de 1869. A “Lei de Docas” foi modelada a partir do sistema portuário inglês em que todas as atividades portuárias concentravam-se em áreas circunscritas de cais. O sistema de docas era autossustentável do ponto de vista econômico. As companhias realizariam com seus próprios recursos obras de engenharia hidráulica, e receberiam em troca as tarifas portuárias. A lei não exigia do Estado qualquer tipo de contrapartida financeira na forma de garantia de juros, subvenções ou empréstimos públicos. Ela se contrapunha, sobretudo, ao sistema de juros empregado nas inversões ferroviárias. Retirando os seus dividendos apenas do movimento portuário, as companhias combateriam mais eficientemente as práticas de contrabando, roubo e perdas excessivas de carga. Além disso, as docas promoveriam o “espírito de associação” entre nós e aumentariam as receitas fiscais devido ao desenvolvimento da navegação comercial. A despeito de suas supostas vantagens, o decreto revelou-se um verdadeiro fracasso. Nenhum porto do Império conseguiu ser melhorado nos seus termos. Dividida em cinco capítulos, a presente tese analisa as tentativas malogradas de melhoramento do porto do Recife pela Lei de Docas. Argumenta-se que o Governo imperial não conseguiu tomar uma decisão política diante da variedade de opções técnicas. / The Brazilian Imperial government authorized private companies for the construction of docks in the ports through concession fees on loading, unloading, and safekeeping of goods for storage during a 90-years period with the authorization of Decree No. 1,746 of October 13, 1869. The "Law of the Docks” was modeled after the English port system in that all of the port activities were concentrated in the surrounding areas of the wharfs. The dock system was self-sustainable from the economic point of view. Companies would engage in hydraulic engineering projects with their own resources, and earn the port fee amounts in return. The law did not require the State any financial contribution in the form of guaranteed interest, subsidies or public borrowings. It was opposed primarily to the interest system employed in railway investments. Taking their dividends only from port traffic, the companies would combat against smuggling practices, theft, and excessive loss of cargo more efficiently. In addition, the docks would promote a "spirit of partnership" among Brazilians and increase tax revenues due to the development of commercial shipping. Despite their supposed advantages, the decree proved to be a failure. Not even one port of the Empire could be improved in these terms. Divided into five chapters, this thesis examines the unsuccessful attempts of the port of Recife to make improvements according to the Law of the Docks. It is argued that the Imperial Government failed to make a political decision in light of the various technical options.

No presente trabalho, analisaremos as ideias jurídicas de José de Alencar (1829-1877), procurando demonstrar que este não foi somente um dos mais proeminentes vultos das letras pátrias e um dos mais destacados publicistas, políticos e oradores do Brasil de seu tempo, mas também um importante jurista. Embora o jurisconsulto José de Alencar seja inegavelmente menor do que o literato e mesmo que o homem de Estado, não deixa ele de ter sua relevância, merecendo, pois, ser mais conhecido e reconhecido do que tem sido. Em nossa exposição de suas ideias em diversos campos do Direito, nos concentramos mais naquelas que reputamos mais importantes social, política e historicamente, particularmente naquelas referentes à relação entre a Lei Natural e a Lei Positiva, à Constituição Imperial, ao Poder Moderador, à representação política, à abolição da escravatura, à codificação civil e à propriedade. / In this work we will analyse the juridical ideas of José de Alencar (1829-1877), seeking to demonstrate that he was not only one of the most prominent figures of the Brazilian literature and one of the most distinguished journalists, political writers, politicians and orators of the Brazil of his time but also an important jurist. Although the jurisconsult José de Alencar is unquestionably smaller in importance than the writer and even the man of State he does not lack relevance, thus deserving to be more known and recognised. In our exposition of his ideas in different fields of law we will concentrate more on those that we consider more important socially, politically and historically, particularly on the ones which refer to the relation between Natural Law and Positive Law, the Imperial Constitution, the Moderator Power, the political representation, the abolition of slavery, the civil codification and the property.

This work, the way its name suggests it, is intent on the theme of process of achievement of the Latin American states' independence of Spain and Portugal, and on situating of this process in the context of the events of this time in further world's parts, and mainly in the context of the policies of single powers which had, or could have, some interests in the said spaces. Likewise the name itself suggests, its chief interest is intent primarily on the period of the years 1815-1826. While in Europe the Napoleonic Wars had definitively ended, and a new order here was creating, according to principles of the Vienna Congress, and under the supervision of the Holy Alliance, Spanish America had gone through first phase of her own wars of liberation, and it could seem, on the beginning, the situation here was coming anew to profit of the Spanish monarchy, recuperating from the precedent years of the French rule and the war with French intruders. However, the struggle of independence of single Hispanic-American states was continuing, like the Portuguese Brazil reached for own independence of colonial metropolis as well. In the Spanish America's case, Spain, really isolated, despite the negative attitudes of the Holy Alliance's monarchical governments towards the development in her oversea possessions, and...