The history of contact with Europeans for Native Americans and the Tlingit people in particular has been well documented as one of extreme pain, suffering, and injustice. It was "survival time" for the Tlingit and very difficult choices had to be made. The life of one Tlingit man, Rudolph Walton, born in Sitka, Alaska in 1867, illuminates this critical time in the history of the Tlingit people. This dissertation is ah exploration of the interplay between competing cultures and interests and it is a quest to understand who Rudolph Walton was and how his life and the choices he made are connected to the larger historic themes and cross-cultural issues in Alaska Native education and religious life. In addition to providing a look at history and at cultural change through an individual's life, choices and experiences, this dissertation is also about the connection between my ancestors' choices and the impact those choices had on the survival of a people. It is at once a macro view and a micro view of the impact of history on Indian people. After the purchase of Alaska by the United States traditional Tlingit life changed forever. The Tlingit were forced on a daily basis to balance demands and pressures made by various Christian religious groups and the U. S. government. They also had to contend with the prejudice of the average American citizen. Most Native American history has been limited to the use of records written by Europeans and Americans. Our understanding of that history is limited because the voice of the Native American is rarely heard. This dissertation fills a gap in the history of Southeast Alaska through an examination of the life of Rudolph Walton. The life of Mr. Walton is important because he left us with a unique set of documents which help us to understand the difficulties he had to face as a Tlingit man during a critical time in the history of Southeast Alaska. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

Cette recherche est envisagée pour observer la place de l’Islam confrérique dans la sphère publique et dans la vie politique, économique et sociale au Sénégal, avec un accent particulier sur la notion de sécurité humaine. Notre ambition est d’intégrer une réflexion la plus large possible sur les différentes situations contrastées que connaît l’Islam confrérique dans ce pays de 12 millions d’habitants avec plus de 90% de musulmans. L’accent consiste à interroger ce qu’on a appelé « l’exceptionnalisme sénégalais » avec une tradition démocratique relativement ancienne et solide. Cette étude a comme objet général d’explorer la sécurité que posent l’organisation et le fonctionnement des confréries religieuses sénégalaises. Elle s’appuie sur la mise en comparaison des deux principales confréries – Mouride et Tidjane – qui sont d’obédience sunnite. Elle intègre un angle d’approche tenant compte de la diversité et de la particularité des contextes socioculturels, politiques, économiques et religieux dans l’ordre international marqué par des menaces incessantes sur la sécurité. Cette mise en perspective de dynamiques culturelles singulières favorise la compréhension de logiques comportementales attribuant du sens à des démarches de sécurité des « fidèles » auprès des Marabouts et des confréries. Il s’agit aussi d’évaluer les nouvelles manifestations religieuses et leurs conséquences en termes individuels et collectifs sur la République, la démocratie, la laïcité et la sécurité de la nation sénégalaise. / This research is intended to observe the place of brotherhood of Islam in the public sphere and the political, economic and social Senegal, with particular emphasis on the concept of human security. Our goal is to integrate thinking about the broadest possible contrasting the different situations facing brotherhood of Islam in this country of 12 million people with over 90% Muslim. The focus is to examine the so-called "Senegalese exceptionalism" with a relatively old democratic tradition and strong. This study explored as general purpose security posed by the organization and functioning of religious brotherhoods in Senegal. It relies on setting comparison of the two major guilds - and Mouride Tidjane - who are Sunni. It includes an angle of approach taking into account the diversity and unique socio-cultural contexts, political, economic and religious in the international order marked by constant threats to security. This perspective of cultural dynamics unique promotes understanding of behavioral logic of assigning meaning to approaches to security "faithful" to the Marabouts and fraternities. It is also evaluating new religious events and their consequences for individuals and groups on the Republic, democracy, secularism and security of the Senegalese nation.

This study explores the themes of the experience of belonging to a male-only society, namely Freemasonry, by allowing members of the Freemasons to tell their stories of their experience of belonging to Freemasonry. The epistemological framework was that of phenomenology, using a qualitative research design. The study involved a series of in-depth individual interviews. Their stories provide alternative ways of perceiving men’s experience of belonging to a male-only society, focusing on the Freemasons. Several common themes were also identified in the participants’ interviews. The researcher found that the history of the Freemasons plays a large role in the member’s justification for female exclusion. Gender, as well as the members need to belong to a male- only society, gave the researcher some insight into their experience of belonging to a male-only society. The themes that were articulated in the study may be helpful in trying to understand the experiences of belonging to a male-only society. / Dissertation (MA (Clinical Psychology)--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Psychology / unrestricted

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-17T09:57:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianooliveiradesousa.pdf: 3825541 bytes, checksum: 124b239f6dcb195de4e7041f980c3494 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-17T11:13:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianooliveiradesousa.pdf: 3825541 bytes, checksum: 124b239f6dcb195de4e7041f980c3494 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-17T11:13:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianooliveiradesousa.pdf: 3825541 bytes, checksum: 124b239f6dcb195de4e7041f980c3494 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-28 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo busca realizar uma análise dos homens que ocuparam os cargos da Mesa Administrativa da Venerável Ordem Terceira de São Francisco de Assis de Vila Rica, no período abarcado entre a primeira eleição de Mesa ocorrida em 1751, até o ano de 1804. Buscamos identificar quem eram os homens que constituíam a “elite dirigente” daquela instituição, procurando traçar um perfil prosopográfico destes homens, conjugado com a análise de suas trajetórias, tentando perceber sua participação em outras instituições que conferiam prestígio e poder naquela sociedade de Antigo Regime. Tentamos provar que a participação naquela instituição e principalmente a ocupação dos cargos dirigentes na Ordem Terceira de São Francisco de Assis funcionava como mais um dos critérios que auxiliavam na hierarquização social, conferindo prestígio e visibilidade, e funcionando como uma via de legitimação local em busca de ascensão social. / This study seeks to create an analysis of the men who were members of the Administrative “Mesa” of the Venerable Third Order of Saint Francis of Assisi from Vila Rica, in the period between the first elections of the “Mesa” which occurred in 1751 until the year of 1804. We seek the identification of the men who formed the ruling elite of that institution trying to create a prosopographic profile of those men, combined with the analysis of their trajectory, trying to observe their participation in other institutions which conferred prestige and power in that “old regime society”. We try to prove that the participation and especially the occupation of leading position in the Third Order of Saint Francis of Assisi worked as another criteria to help the social hierarchisation, offering prestige and visibility, and working as a way of local legitimization to achieve social ascension.

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This research question is whether the social and political fear was used in the Syrian case to mobilize the Alawi minority and how. Therefore, this research is deductive research directed toward testing how applicable is the social theory of fear in the Syrian conflict. Whereas the Syrian regime has highly relied on the Alawi minority to sustain its existence in power. This in turn resulted in high casualties within the minority and bad living conditions for both the minority and the country total. However, this did not lead the regime to lose the support of the Alawis. Much of the research made on the topic presented the Alawi minority as the regime loyalists because of being privileged. This research gives a different view on the reasons which led this specific minority to support the Syrian regime. Where it presents a different approach to study the case through qualitative interviewing of a purposive sample, then analyzing the data through the narrative analysis method. The findings of this research fill the research gap presented by simply claiming Alawis are loyalists for being privileged. On the contrary, this research denies this assumption and presents findings that prove the usage of the social fear mechanism and in what method. This research does not only contribute to filling the gap in the existing research, but also to the theory of social fear applying to a further dimension than the author had explained. When it comes to the field of conflict studies, the research presents the mechanism that caused this conflict to become protracted and bloody. Those mechanisms if early detected may help avoid conflicts of the same nature in the future.

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The name of Tomas Wharton Phillips, (1835-1912), occurs quite frequently in the history of the Disciples of Christ. Probably his family name is best known by its association with Phillips University, Enid, Oklahoma. There has also been a renewed interest in him through the recent completion of the "T.W. Phillips Memorial Library" in Nashville, Tennessee, now the headquarters of the Disciples of Christ Historical Society. This general interst generated into a special interst, when, during the lectures on the history of the Disciples of Christ, a remark was made to the effect that "there was a need for a more adequte understanding of the place of T.W. Phillips in the Brotherhood of Disciples of Christ." This promoted the undertaking of a study of this layman.

The relationship between religion and politics is a controversial issue. It is one of the most difficult issues in many regions of the world. The social impact resulting from politicized religious movements is complicated, especially in countries where religion plays a pivotal role in formulating politics, such as in Syria and some other Middle Eastern countries.  One of the issues of great sensitivity in some societies, especially those with active religious movements and parties, is religious and/or political representation. Each religious group claims to have a profound social depth. These claims are supported by large segments of people. Rival groups, however, may have different opinions. Some politico-religious organizations claim that they are the only representatives of certain groups of people and thus, claim legitimacy on the ground of such representation. This applies to the Muslim Brothers in Syria (SMB), who claim representation of certain segments of the Syrian society, mainly the Sunni Muslims.  This thesis attempts to research the issue of the representation of the Muslim Brotherhood with the focus on Syria.