A presente dissertação trata da relação entre democracia e poderes emergenciais tendo como análise o caso dos Estados Unidos depois dos atentados terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001. Fundamentalmente, tratamos da expansão dos poderes do presidente norte-americano, George W. Bush, propiciada pela chamada “guerra contra o terrorismo”. Nosso objetivo é o de demonstrar como se deu essa ampliação dos poderes do presidente, tratando especificamente das questões atinentes à Ordem Militar de novembro de 2001 que possibilitou a prisão de suspeitos de terrorismo por parte das forças armadas norte-americanas e seu envio à Base Naval de Guantánamo, Cuba. Além disso, analisamos o comportamento da população, do Legislativo e do Judiciário durante a primeira administração republicana, demonstrando a fragilidade do sistema de checks and balances durantes emergências. Por fim, concluímos que ocorreu, por parte do Executivo, uma interpretação soberana da Constituição e das leis que, com o maciço apoio da população, impôs restrições ao funcionamento dos checks and balances e possibilitou a violação de direitos de cidadãos e estrangeiros, como mostrou o caso dos detentos em Guantánamo e em solo norte-americano. / This dissertation deals with the relationship between democracy and emergency powers, analyzing the case of the United States after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Fundamentally, we study the expansion of the powers of U.S. President George W. Bush, provided by the "war on terror”. Our goal is to demonstrate how did this expansion of presidential powers, dealing specifically with issues related to the Military Order of November 2001 that led to the arrest of suspected terrorists by the armed forces of U.S. and sent to the Naval Base Guantanamo, Cuba. Furthermore, we analyze the behavior of the population, the legislature and the judiciary during the first Republican administration, demonstrating the fragility of the system of checks and balances during emergencies. Finally, we conclude that occurred by the Executive, a sovereign interpretation of the Constitution and laws, with massive popular support, has imposed restrictions on the operation of checks and balances and the possible violation of rights of citizens and foreigners, as shown the case of detainees in Guantanamo and U.S. soil.

A presente dissertação trata da relação entre democracia e poderes emergenciais tendo como análise o caso dos Estados Unidos depois dos atentados terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001. Fundamentalmente, tratamos da expansão dos poderes do presidente norte-americano, George W. Bush, propiciada pela chamada “guerra contra o terrorismo”. Nosso objetivo é o de demonstrar como se deu essa ampliação dos poderes do presidente, tratando especificamente das questões atinentes à Ordem Militar de novembro de 2001 que possibilitou a prisão de suspeitos de terrorismo por parte das forças armadas norte-americanas e seu envio à Base Naval de Guantánamo, Cuba. Além disso, analisamos o comportamento da população, do Legislativo e do Judiciário durante a primeira administração republicana, demonstrando a fragilidade do sistema de checks and balances durantes emergências. Por fim, concluímos que ocorreu, por parte do Executivo, uma interpretação soberana da Constituição e das leis que, com o maciço apoio da população, impôs restrições ao funcionamento dos checks and balances e possibilitou a violação de direitos de cidadãos e estrangeiros, como mostrou o caso dos detentos em Guantánamo e em solo norte-americano. / This dissertation deals with the relationship between democracy and emergency powers, analyzing the case of the United States after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Fundamentally, we study the expansion of the powers of U.S. President George W. Bush, provided by the "war on terror”. Our goal is to demonstrate how did this expansion of presidential powers, dealing specifically with issues related to the Military Order of November 2001 that led to the arrest of suspected terrorists by the armed forces of U.S. and sent to the Naval Base Guantanamo, Cuba. Furthermore, we analyze the behavior of the population, the legislature and the judiciary during the first Republican administration, demonstrating the fragility of the system of checks and balances during emergencies. Finally, we conclude that occurred by the Executive, a sovereign interpretation of the Constitution and laws, with massive popular support, has imposed restrictions on the operation of checks and balances and the possible violation of rights of citizens and foreigners, as shown the case of detainees in Guantanamo and U.S. soil.

Under Vietnamkrigets förlopp så ändrades sättet som samhället betraktade journalister samt hur deras egen praxis var. Daniel C Hallin beskriver det som att de gick från att ses som en del av myndigheterna till att vara ”vakthundar”. De gick från att vara soldater vid skrivmaskinen till att övervaka det politiska styret. En högre journalistisk standard blev följden. En tidigare studie av New York Times rapportering av förloppet av kriget visar förändringar i användandet av källor och hur vinklingen gick från positiv till kriget till att vara emot det. Denna studie undersöker New York Times rapportering av Irakkriget och fokuserar på om tidningens journalister agerade som vakthundar eller som skrivmaskinssoldater. Genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys med fokus på fyra datum under 2003 och samma datum 2005 kan studien se hur tidningen använde källor och om den stod bakom bevisen som President Bush presenterade emot Saddam Hussein.  Ur en teoretisk synvinkel tillämpas Pierre Bourdieus fältteori som beskriver media fältet och det politiska fältet som i en tävling mot varandra. En tävling som styrs av normer som reglerar hur interaktionen mellan fälten går till. Förändringen som tillkom under Vietnamkriget ändrade dessa normer. Tidningar som New York Times blev mer självständiga gentemot politiken och normen blev att övervaka myndigheten istället för att föra fram dess budskap. Denna studie går igenom ett antal faktorer som påverkade hur NY Times rapporterade om Irakkriget. En av dessa faktorer är ett kapitalistiskt system som gör att media känner sig tvungna att producera nyheter även om de är osäkra på källorna. Samt det politiska klimatet som existerade i USA där nationell säkerhet prioriterades. President George W Bush använde dessa faktorer på ett smart vis och skapade en situation där media återigen kopplades samman med styret under Irakkriget.  Tidigare forskning gjord av Rod Brookes och Justin Lewis samt av FAIR visar att delar av brittisk media och amerikansk tv-media var för kriget i majoriteten av deras sändningar. Denna innehållsanalys visar att även NY Times rapportering var positiva till Bushs bevis och anklagelser mot Saddam Hussein. Under 2003 så var tidningen beroende av militären och det politiska styret som källor till dess rapportering. De var inledningsvis positiva till kriget och förde fram George W Bushs budskap om att kriget var nödvändigt. Ett flertal variabler visar dock att tendensen var att rapporteringen blev mer skeptisk till Bushs anklagelser mot Saddam Hussein. Under 2005 så ifrågasattes motiven och tidningens skildring vinklade kriget negativt.   Uppsatsens diskussion kopplar denna tendens till att fler krigskritiska källor kommer fram på grund av att Bush förlorade kontrollen av informationsflödet. En jämförelse görs med Vietnam-studien vilket visar att rapporteringen av Irakkriget hade ett större beroende av militära källor (32,3% under 2003 och 10 % totalt under Vietnamkriget). Samt ifrågasatte sina källor mindre. En slutsats görs att den högre graden av journalistik som kom till under Vietnamkrigets tid inte var representerad under inledningen av Irakkriget. / Around the time of the Vietnam war the way journalists were looked upon by society changed aswell as their own praxis. Daniel C Hallin describes it as they went from appearing as an extended part of the government to being watchdogs. They went from being typrewritersoldiers to monitoring the government and a higher standard of journalism came with it. A previous study of mine of the New York Times report of the Vietnam war showed that the way sources were used changed during the course of the war. And the report went from being positive to opposing the war. This study examines New York Times report of the Iraq war and focuses on the role of the newspaper. Were their journalists watchdogs or typewritersoldiers. By making a quantative content analysis focusing on four dates in 2003 and the same dates 2005. The study sees how the newspaper used it 's sources and if it stood behind President Bushs motives for the war.   The study applies Pierre Bourdies field theory which describes media and politics as fields that are in a contest with eachother. Their interactions are controlled by norms. This study looks at the changes that occured during the Vietnam war as the norms changning. Media grew more independent from politics and monitoring the government became the norm instead of broadcasting it 's messages. This study describes a capitalistic system that pressures the media to produce news even if they're unsure of it's sources. Aswell as a political climat in the USA that prioritised national security. President George W Bush used these factors in a smart way and created a situation where the media once again became less independent from the political field during the first stages of the war. Previous studies done by Rod Brookes and Justin Lewis and F.A.I. R have shown that parts of the brittish and american tv-media were pro-war in a majority of their broadcasts. This content analysis had a similar result. During 2003 a majority of the newspapers sources came from the american military and the political field. It concludes that the NY Times was positive to Bushs motives for the war. But grew sceptical and questioned them in 2005. The discussion in the study connects this to more anti-war sources coming forward as a consequence of Bush losing the flow of information. A comparison with the Vietnam war shows that the journalists covering the Iraq war used military sources significantly more (32,3% in 2003 and 10 % in total in the Vietnam war). And questioned their sources less than in the coverage of the Vietnam war. The conclusion of the study is that the higher standard of journalism that surfaced during the Vietnam war wasn 't present at the start of the Iraq war.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’utilisation par le 43ème président des États-Unis, George W. Bush, des déclarations de promulgation, ces documents écrits qui permettent au président américain de donner son opinion sur une loi qu’il vient de promulguer et dans lesquels il peut faire part de sa réticence à faire appliquer certaines des dispositions de la loi en question car il les juge potentiellement inconstitutionnelles, et ce quand bien même il a accepté de promulguer la loi en question. Une telle pratique peut sembler contraire à l’esprit même de la Constitution américaine, qui contraint le président à « veiller à la fidèle exécution des lois » qu’il promulgue sans lui laisser la possibilité de sélectionner au sein desdites lois les disposions qu’il souhaite ou ne souhaite pas voir appliquées.A travers un travail de comparaison des déclarations de promulgation de George W. Bush à celles de ses prédécesseurs à la Maison-Blanche et une analyse de la capacité théorique et pratique de cet outil présidentiel à influer sur le processus d’exécution des lois, on se proposera de démontrer que les déclarations de promulgation sont davantage l’outil rhétorique d’une affirmation des pouvoirs de la présidence visant à renforcer cette dernière sur le long terme qu’un levier d’action immédiate permettant à la présidence de mettre la main sur l’exécution des lois. / This thesis focuses on the use of presidential signing statements by the Bush 43 Administration. Presidential signing statements are written documents that allow the President to give his opinion of a bill he signed into law and to say that even though he willingly signed the law, he does not necessarily plan on executing all of its provisions as he believes some of them to be potentially unconstitutional. Such a behavior may seem problematic constitutionally speaking as the American Constitution forces the President to « faithfully execute the laws » without affording him the opportunity to pick and choose the provisions he wants to execute.Through a comparison with the signing statements of previous presidents as well as an analysis of both the theoretical and practical capacity of presidential signing statements to allow the President to control the execution of the laws, this thesis will describe signing statements as tools of the rhetorical presidency that allow the executive to assert and defend its constitutional prerogatives in order to strengthen them in the long run, rather than weapons of the administrative presidency with an immediate effect on the execution of the laws.

The thesis analyzes how the administrations of Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush used force in response to incidents of international terrorism. Key players in each administration and whether they advocated a law enforcement approach or a war paradigm approach to counterterrorism are examined. In addition, Koh¿s pattern of executive initiative, congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance forms a theoretical lens through which to compare and contrast administrations. An assessment of the role of Congress in making the administrations¿ counterterrorism policies confirms the vitality of this pattern, and suggests future administrations will adhere to it. During the George W. Bush administration, Koh¿s pattern of executive initiative (led by personalities like Vice President Cheney), congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance combined with the 9/11 tragedy and pervasive fears of another attack to create a ¿perfect storm¿ known as the ¿war on terror¿. The research also analyzes to what extent the four administrations were constrained by international legal norms on the use of force, i.e. articles 2(4) and 51 of the UN Charter. On the domestic side, the thesis analyzes the extent to which American legal norms on the use of force constrained the administrations. Although the lack of compelling constraints on the use of force is present in all four administrations, the thesis indicates that the George W. Bush administration embodied an extreme example of this trend.

Les recherches récapitulées dans cette thèse de doctorat ont porté sur les causes de l’organisation spatiale des végétations périodiques. Ces structures paysagères aux motifs réguliers, tachetés, tigrés ou labyrinthiques, d’échelle décamétrique à hectométrique, couvrant des étendues considérables sur au moins trois continents, constituent un cas d’école dans l’étude des processus endogènes présidant à l’hétérogénéité du couvert végétal. Ces structures prennent place sur un substrat homogène, mis à part la rétroaction du couvert lui-même, et sont marquées par des écotones abrupts et la persistance d’une proportion considérable de sol nu. Plusieurs modèles ont mis en avant l’existence possible d’un phénomène d’auto-organisation du couvert, qui verrait une structure d’ensemble émerger des interactions locales entre individus. Ces modèles se basent sur le jeu simultané de la consommation de la ressource (compétition) et de l’amélioration de l’un ou l’autre des éléments du bilan de la même ressource par le couvert (facilitation). La condition à l’existence d’une structure d’ensemble spatialement périodique et stable réside dans une différence entre la portée de la compétition (plus grande) et celle de la facilitation. L’apparition de ces structures est modulée par le taux de croissance biologique, qui est le reflet des contraintes extérieures telles que l’aridité, le pâturage ou la coupe de bois. Le modus operandi des interactions spatiales supposées entre individus reste largement à préciser. Nos recherches ont été menées au sud-ouest de la République du Niger, à l’intérieur et dans les environs du parc Régional du W. Trois axes ont été explorés : (i) Une étude de la dépendance spatiale entre la structure de la végétation (biovolumes cartographiés) et les paramètres du milieu abiotique (relief, sol), sur base d’analyses spectrales et cross-spectrales par transformée de Fourier (1D et 2D). (ii) Une étude diachronique (1956, 1975 et 1996) à large échelle (3000 km²) de l’influence de l’aridité et des pressions d’origine anthropique sur l’auto-organisation des végétations périodiques, basée sur la caractérisation de la structure spatiale des paysages sur photos aériennes via la transformée de Fourier en 2D. (iii) Trois études portant sur les interactions spatiales entre individus : En premier lieu, via l’excavation des systèmes racinaires (air pulsé) ; Ensuite, par un suivi spatio-temporel du bilan hydrique du sol (blocs de gypse) ; Enfin, via le marquage de la ressource par du deutérium. Nous avons ainsi pu établir que les végétations périodiques constituent bien un mode d’auto-organisation pouvant survenir sur substrat homogène et modulé par les contraintes climatiques et anthropiques. Un ajustement rapide entre l’organisation des végétations périodiques et le climat a pu être montrée en zone protégée. La superficie et l’organisation des végétations périodiques y ont tour à tour progressé et régressé en fonction d’épisodes secs ou humides. Par contre, en dehors de l’aire protégée, la possibilité d’une restauration du couvert semble fortement liée au taux d’exploitation des ressources végétales. Ces résultats ont d’importantes implications quant à la compréhension des interactions entre climat et écosystèmes et à l’évaluation de leurs capacités de charge. La caractérisation de la structure spatiale des végétations arides, notamment par la transformée de Fourier d’images HR, devrait être généralisée comme outil de monitoring de l’état de ces écosystèmes. Nos études portant sur les modes d’interactions spatiales ont permis de confirmer l’existence d’une facilitation à courte portée du couvert végétal sur la ressource. Cependant, cette facilitation ne semble pas s’exercer sur le terme du bilan hydrique traditionnellement avancé, à savoir l’infiltration, mais plutôt sur le taux d’évaporation (deux fois moindre à l’ombre des canopées). Ce mécanisme exclut l’existence de transferts diffusifs souterrains entre sols nu et fourrés. Des transferts inverses semblent d’ailleurs montrés par le marquage isotopique. L’étude du bilan hydrique et la cartographie du micro-relief, ainsi que la profondeur fortement réduite de la zone d’exploitation racinaire, jettent de sérieux doutes quant au rôle communément admis des transferts d’eau par ruissellement/diffusion de surface en tant que processus clé dans la compétition à distance entre les plantes. L’alternative réside dans l’existence d’une compétition racinaire de portée supérieure aux canopées. Cette hypothèse trouve une confirmation tant par les rhizosphères excavées, superficielles et étendues, que dans le marquage isotopique, montrant des contaminations d’arbustes situés à plus de 15 m de la zone d’apport. De même, l’étude du bilan hydrique met en évidence les influences simultanées et contradictoires (facilitation/compétition) des ligneux sur l’évapotranspiration. / This PhD thesis gathers results of a research dealing with the causes of the spatial organisation of periodic vegetations. These landscape structures, featuring regular spotted, labyrinthine or banded patterns of decametric to hectometric scale, and extending over considerable areas on at least three continents, constitute a perfect study case to approach endogenous processes leading to vegetation heterogeneities. These patterns occur over homogeneous substratum, except for vegetation’s own feedbacks, and are marked by sharp ecotones and the persistence of a considerable amount of bare soil. A number of models suggested a possible case of self-organized patterning, in which the general structure would emerge from local interactions between individuals. Those models rest on the interplay of competitive and facilitative effects, relating to soil water consumption and to soil water budget enhancement by vegetation. A general necessary condition for pattern formation to occur is that negative interactions (competition) have a larger range than positive interactions (facilitation). Moreover, all models agree with the idea that patterning occurs when vegetation growth decreases, for instance as a result of reduced water availability, domestic grazing or wood cutting, therefore viewing patterns as a self-organised response to environmental constraints. However the modus operandi of the spatial interactions between individual plants remains largely to be specified. We carried out a field research in South-West Niger, within and around the W Regional Park. Three research lines were explored: (i) The study of the spatial dependency between the vegetation pattern (mapped biovolumes) and the factors of the abiotic environment (soil, relief), on the basis of spectral and cross-spectral analyses with Fourier transform (1D and 2D). (ii) A broad scale diachronic study (1956, 1975, 1996) of the influence of aridity and human induced pressures on the vegetation self-patterning, based on the characterisation of patterns on high resolution remote sensing data via 2D Fourier transform. (iii) Three different approaches of the spatial interactions between individuals: via root systems excavation with pulsed air; via the monitoring in space and time of the soil water budget (gypsum blocks method); and via water resource labelling with deuterated water. We could establish that periodic vegetations are indeed the result of a self-organisation process, occurring in homogeneous substratum conditions and modulated by climate and human constraints. A rapid adjustment between vegetation patterning and climate could be observed in protected zones. The area and patterning of the periodic vegetations successively progressed and regressed, following drier or wetter climate conditions. On the other hand, outside protected areas, the restoration ability of vegetation appeared to depend on the degree of vegetation resource exploitation. These results have important implications regarding the study of vegetation-climate interactions and the evaluation of ecosystems’ carrying capacities. Spatial pattern characterisation in arid vegetations using Fourier transform of HR remote sensing data should be generalised for the monitoring of those ecosystems. Our studies dealing with spatial interaction mechanisms confirmed the existence of a short range facilitation of the cover on water resource. However, this facilitation does not seem to act through the commonly accepted infiltration component, but rather on the evaporative rate (twice less within thickets). This mechanism excludes underground diffusive transfers between bare ground and vegetation. Inverse transfers were even shown by deuterium labelling. Water budget study and micro-elevation mapping, along with consistent soil shallowness, together cast serious doubts on the traditional mechanism of run-off/diffusion of surface water as a key process of the long range competition between plants. An alternative explanation lies in long range root competition. This hypothesis find support as well in the excavated root systems, shallow and wide, as in isotopic labelling, showing contaminations of shrubs located up to 15 m of the irrigated area. Water budget study also evidenced simultaneous contradictory effects (facilitation/competition) of shrubs on evapotranspiration.

The purpose of this study was to investigate seedling recruitment beneath kanuka forest at Tiromoana Bush, North Canterbury. The regeneration of broadleaved tree species is evident throughout Tiromoana Bush. This research aimed to quantify the biotic and abiotic factors influencing the distribution of small and large seedlings of canopy tree species, their relative growth rates, their survival, abundance and composition throughout the forest understorey of Tiromoana Bush. Tiromoana Bush is a forest restoration area of 410 hectares adjacent to the Kate Valley landfill. To determine the future tree species composition at Tiromoana Bush, seedling recruitment, growth and survival was quantified through remeasuring tagged seedlings in 26 permanent vegetation monitoring plots located in the major forest patches at Tiromoana Bush. In addition, seedling data from 78 temporary vegetation survey plots established in three major forest patches were used to assess the influence of different factors on seedling abundance. At Tiromoana Bush, the most common canopy tree species as seedlings in the permanent vegetation monitoring plots was mahoe followed by fivefinger. Mahoe seedling density was significantly affected by canopy openness, distance to seed sources, light index, shrub cover and slope, but not by aspect, basal area and time. For fivefinger, seedlings increased in abundance with time, but the difference was not statistically significant. The relative growth rate of mahoe in the 20-49cm height class (in which most seedlings occurred) was significantly affected by shrub cover, light index and canopy vii openness. Mahoe seedling recruits were significantly affected by light index and canopy openness. Survivability of mahoe was affected by aspect. For fivefinger, individual relative growth rates were significantly affected by canopy openness and light index. Similar results were found for tree species seedlings present in the temporary survey plots provided with mahoe and fivefinger again the most common species, followed by kohuhu. Light index significantly affected golden akeake small seedlings as well as canopy openness. Light index significantly affected ngaio large seedling distribution. Aspect was the only significant factor for kohuhu large seedling distribution. Distance from seed sources significantly affected fivefinger small seedling distribution as seedlings are dependent upon dispersal away from the parent trees. Slope significantly affected the distribution of red matipou small seedlings. The most important environmental attribute influencing seedling abundance is light. This is evident in both the permanent seedling monitoring plots and the temporary vegetation survey plots. Based on data from the temporary vegetation survey plots, mahoe, fivefinger and kohuhu are most abundant suggesting that these three canopy tree species will dominate the forest canopy at Tiromoana Bush once the kanuka starts to senesce.

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Syftet med denna uppsats är testa Muddes hypotes: När populistiska aktörer når politiska framgångar och hotar etablissemanget, svarar delar av etablissemanget med att inkludera ett populistiskt språkbruk för att mota bort utmanaren. Ovanstående hypotes prövas genom att undersöka om Hillary Clinton och Jeb Bush som tillhör ett politiskt etablissemang utvecklat sitt språk i sina kampanjtal mot att bli mer eller mindre populistiska, i samband med att Donald Trump och Bernie Sanders som av flera medier blivit beskrivna som populister anslutit sig till primärvalet 2016 i USA. Teorin som används i uppsatsen är hämtad från Cas Muddes studie The Populist Zeitgeist samt Kirk A. Hawkins studie ”Is Chávez Populist?”. Metoden i uppsatsen utgörs av en kvalitativ idealtypsanalys. Utifrån uppsatsens resultat kan följande indikationer redovisas. Hillary Clinton har inte inkluderat ett mer populistiskt språk i sina kampanjtal i samband med att Trump och Sanders ställt upp inför primärvalet 2016 i USA. Detta står i motsats till Jeb Bush som inkluderat ett mer populistiskt språk i samband med att Trump och Sanders ställt upp inför primärvalet 2016 i USA, vilket styrker Muddes hypotes.

By exploring classical and contemporary conceptions of rhetorical ethos, this thesis assembles theories of analysis and then applies them in the form of rhetorical analysis of the rhetorical ethos exhibited by President George W. Bush in his presidential speeches. The theoretical investigation reveals the extensive use of the ethical appeal in all manner of rhetorical situations in the contemporary world but especially focuses on how political rhetoric has come to rely predominantly on this persuasive appeal. The study examines several speeches given by President Bush and concludes that his success as president is attributed largely to the sophisticated rhetorical strategies executed by his administration, especially its construction of a presidential ethos. However, the inquiry also reveals a disconcerting degree of misleading and deceptive rhetoric, which the author argues has resulted in a serious decline in public support for President Bush as he approaches his sixth year in office.