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Non-profits that do community-led food justice work with lower income communities face particular constraints and opportunities. This study examined those constraints and opportunities through participant observation of one such organization and interviews with four other organizations. Findings include the diversity of definitions for “community-led,” assets that can help or constrain the organization, and diversity in defining “scaling up” their organization models and missions. The organizations that heavily focused on lower income consumers noted tensions with the board of the non- profit and lack of engagement of consumers. I conclude by critiquing using language such as “models,” “scaling up,” or “replicating” when doing community-led food justice with lower income communities. I propose using the “scaling deep” framework (Moore, Riddell & Vocisano, 2015) and using Social Network Analysis as a tool for community development and developing alternative food initiatives with lower income individuals and communities.

Voluntary Sector Organisation Public Partnerships (IOPs) are a new form of collaboration for voluntary and public organisations, which aim to give financial support ta a welfare service provided by the voluntary actor. The aim of this study is to examine the importance of voluntary organisations in the modern welfare state. The importance they have as welfare producers. In this study i have chosen to look at how Karlstad municipality works with IOP cooperation. My theoretical starting point of this study have been the concept of social capital and how IOP collaboration works from a trust perspective. I have used both document study and interviews to answer my purpose. I have interviewed both officials in Karlstad municipality and representatives of the voluntary organisations that have IOP cooperation with the municipality in Karlstad. The conclusion I have found here is that Karlstad municipality and the three voluntary organisations I met, have a good collaboration with a high level of trust between them. But there is also some dissatisfaction that it is the municipality that benefits most from the cooperation. Another conclusion is that IOP collaboration has a great impact on the individuals who get help through the voluntary organisations. The study shows that many of these individuals would be completely helpeless unless the voluntary organisations improve their work.

Nisbet's theory of alienation entails three propositions: 1) alienation is a unidimensional phenomenon; 2) alienation is a generalized phenomenon; and 3) power relations foster loss of community which engenders alienation. All three propositions were tested on a population of graduate students at a university in the Pacific Northwest.

Short-term service-learning experiences such as alternative breaks are increasing in popularity due to the focus on service in higher education and the institution’s responsibility to ensure students are graduating with the skills needed to succeed in an increasingly competitive, global economy and contribute to a democratic society as citizens who address societal needs. To meet this demand, colleges and universities continue to explore ways to increase civic engagement in the form of curricular and co-curricular programs. Additionally, faculty and administrators in higher education are intensely seeking a revitalization of the public purposes of higher education, which include educating for moral and civic development (Colby, 2000). One specific need identified in the research literature includes developing a better understanding of the relationship between service-learning and moral competence. There are strong indications that service-learning experiences support psychosocial development in areas such as appreciation of diversity, empathy, concern for social justice, a greater sense of personal efficacy, and problem solving (Bernacki & Jaeger, 2008; Einfeld & Collins, 2008; Marichal, 2010). While this limited research is hopeful, little to no research has been conducted to date to explore the relationship between a co-curricular service-learning experience and moral competence. An exploratory, mixed methods study was conducted with participants of a short-term service-learning experience known as a Bulls Service Break at the University of South Florida. A pre-post analysis was conducted on participants to determine if there was a relationship between moral competence and the service-learning experience through use of the Moral Competence Test. Additionally, a questionnaire was administered to participants upon completion of their service experience to explore the relationship between service-learning and Rest’s Four Component Model of Moral Behavior. The questions focused on moral sensitivity, moral judgment, moral motivation, and moral character. These data were analyzed using a combination of statistical analysis through SPSS for the quantitative research question, and through thematic coding for the qualitative questionnaire responses. Results indicated that students experienced an increase in their moral competence as evidenced pre-post comparison of C-scores. Additionally, for the research questions pertaining to Rest’s Four Component Model of Moral Behavior, relationships between moral sensitivity, moral judgment, moral motivation and moral character were confirmed via the themes generated from the qualitative data analysis. Participants experienced increased self-awareness and social awareness with relation to moral sensitivity. When exploring the data pertaining to moral judgment, participants expressed a realization of social injustice in our communities. This awareness then prompted participants to be morally motivated to combat social injustices by helping others and giving back to my community and by treating others equally and with respect. And finally, the participants’ moral character was tested when they experienced situations that made them uncomfortable during their service but they persisted toward combating social injustices and helping the communities they served. Based on the findings of the study, suggestions for future research and practical implications are offered.

This research offers a reading of the considerable change to the landscapes of cities, masculinities and bodies that occurred after the Second World War. With an emphasis on visual sources and methods, I consider how a distinctly modern post-war identity emerged out of the interaction between Hamilton's newly (re)built cityscape, human bodies and their gendered identities. In the 1960s, rapid urban growth in Hamilton produced a large number of buildings designed in the Modernist style. This concrete language rendered public structures, and the city at large, as distinctly 'Modern' and progressive. The existence of these buildings was essential to Hamilton's transition from a rural town to an urban centre. Meanwhile, the 1964 Centennial served as a convenient narrative of progress to (re)create the city as Modern while remaining youthful and vibrant. Images of the past and the future were regularly and publicly invoked. Colonial Pioneers and Men from the Future were rhetorically exhumed and conceived in order to (re)construct Hamilton. Material and discursive spaces of the cityscape were inhabited by images of a 'citified' Modern Man: the fabled Businessman and his derivatives. Images of masculine bodies offer an insight into constructions of gendered identity. Their 'suited' and impervious bodily boundaries reflect the rigid confines of 1960s masculinities and the firm geometric designs of Modernist buildings. Analysis of advertisements and photographs reveal bodily performances that maintain this identity while establishing an urban and masculine corporeality. A number of 'other' identities were excluded by dominant urban masculinity and offer areas for future research.

New Zealand has one of the worst rates of child poverty in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Research has shown that modern mass media provide a mediated cultural forum through which policy responses to child poverty are socially negotiated and from which public support for children in need is either cultivated or undermined. This thesis focuses on the role of media advocacy by the Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG) who attempt to widen public debate and legitimate options for addressing child poverty. I investigate the case of the Government's Working for Families package and the controversy surrounding the media release of CPAG's negative evaluation of the package in the form of a research report Cut Price Kids. Attention is given to competing ideological frames underlying the Government's package, in the form of neo-liberal emphases on distinctions between God's and the Devil's poor. Attention is also given to CPAG's response, in the form of communitarian notions of collective responsibility for all families in need. Specifically, I analyse the role of the mass media in framing child poverty as a social issue across three levels of mass communication - production, representation, and reception. At the production level interviews were held with six journalists involved with reporting on Cut Price Kids and two members of CPAG. Fifteen Government and 5 CPAG press releases were also explored to document media production processes and restraints on public deliberations. In addition, the ideological stances influencing the framing of coverage were investigated. At the media representation level 21 press, seven radio, and five television items were analysed to establish the scope of public debate, whose perspectives were included, and the ways in which differing perspectives are combined. At the reception level four focus group discussions with lower socio-economic status (SES) parent groups, as well as follow-up photo-based interviews with eight participants were explored in order to document the role of media coverage in the lives of families with children living in poverty. Across levels, findings suggest that journalists are restrained by professional practices which maintain the importance of balance and detached objectivity, rather than interpretations of appropriate responses to child poverty. Tensions between the Government's emphasis on restricting support to families with parents in paid employment and CPAG's emphasis on the need to not discriminate against the children of out of work families framed coverage. The lower SES parents participating at the reception level challenged the restrained nature of coverage, which excluded people such as themselves, and openly questioned media characterisations of them as bludgers who are irresponsible parents. Overall, findings support the view that media are a key component of ongoing social dialogues through which public understandings of, and policy responses to, child poverty are constructed. Specifically, psychologists need to engage more with processes of symbolic power which shape the public construction of child poverty in a conservative manner that can lead to victim blaming, and restrains opportunities for addressing this pressing social concern.

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 211-218). Also available in print.

<p>During recent years, resilience theory – originally developed in systems ecology – has advanced as a new approach to sustainable development. However, it is still more of an academic theory than a discourse informing environmental politics. The aim of this essay is to study resilience theory as a potential environmental discourse in the making and to outline the political implications it might induce. To gain a more comprehensive knowledge of resilience theory, I study it in relation to already existing environmental discourses. Following earlier research on environmental discourses I define the discourses of ecological modernization, green governmentality and civic environmentalism as occupying the discursive space of environmental politics. Further, I define six central components as characteristics for all environmental discourses. Outlining how both the existing environmental discourses and resilience theory relates to these components enables an understanding of both the political implications of resilience theory and of resilience theory as an environmental discourse in relation to existing environmental discourses. The six central discourse components I define are 1) the view on the nation-state; 2) the view on capitalism; 3) the view on civil society; 4) the view on political order; 5) the view on knowledge; 6) the view on human-nature relations. By doing an empirical textual analysis of academic texts on resilience theory I show that resilience theory assigns a limited role for the nation-state and a very important role for civil society and local actors when it comes to environmental politics. Its view on local actors and civil society is closely related to its relativist view on knowledge. Resilience theory views capitalism as a root of many environmental problems but with some political control and with changing perspectives this can be altered. Furthermore, resilience theory seems to advocate a weak bottom-up perspective on political order. Finally, resilience theory views human-nature relations as relations characterized by human adaptation to the prerequisites of nature. In conclusion, I argue that the empirical analysis show that resilience theory, as an environmental discourse, to a great extent resembles a subdivision of civic environmentalism called participatory multilateralism.</p>