During prehispanic times (1250 B.P. - 1521 A.D), Mesoamerica was the most powerful nation in the entire America continent. One of the most important ethnic groups was the Zapotecs located in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Their history started in those days and it has not ended. The ancient Zapotec gave human femora from the dead special treatments. This thesis seeks to understand the cultural meaning of human femora within ancient Zapotec belief systems, especially the cultural meaning when special treatment of femora was involved in mortuary rituals and practices long after the death of the individual. To understand when this practice began, who did it, why they did it, and what was the significance of human femora for the Zapotecs, it was necessary to know where those femora came from, from ancestors or captives. This research included bioanthropological methodologies considering sex, age and minimum number of individuals, to determine if this practice had a pattern, and also observations on whether human femora had cultural and natural taphonomic modifications. The data were collected from publications from Lambityeco, Mitla, Monte Albán and San Miguel Albarradas, Oaxaca. The results demonstrated that ancient Zapotecs used ancestors' remains as part of their rituals, particularly the femur. Therefore we still lack any bioanthropological evidence for Zapotecs taking human captives.

Le 29 février 1704, une force de 250 alliés franco-amérindiens attaque le petit village frontalier de Deerfield au Massachusetts et enlève 112 habitants. De ce nombre, 89 parviennent vivants en Nouvelle-France. À la fin de la guerre de Succession d’Espagne, 25 d’entre eux finissent par s’installer parmi les Français ou les Amérindiens. Pendant longtemps, ils auront le statut de captifs, d’Anglais ou simplement, d’étrangers. Ce travail vise à reconstituer le parcours de vie et d’intégration des anciens captifs de Deerfield dans la colonie française. Nous identifierons pour commencer les participants de l’attaque de Deerfield. Passant ensuite aux captifs, nous étudierons le processus d’intégration à la colonie et d’assimilation par la religion. Nous aborderons les modalités de l’adoption des captifs par les Français et les Amérindiens. Nous verrons quelle a été l’influence du mariage quant à l’insertion des captifs dans les réseaux sociaux. Finalement, nous analyserons le statut socioprofessionnel et la reproduction sociale de la descendance immédiate de certains de ces captifs. / On February 29th, 1704, a force of 250 French and Amerindian allies attacked the small border village of Deerfield, Massachusetts and kidnapped 112 inhabitants, 89 of whom made it alive to New France. At the end of the War of the Spanish Succession, 25 of these captives stayed among the French or the Amerindians. For a long time, they had the status of captives, English or simply, foreigners. This work aims to reconstitute the course of life and integration of the former Deerfield captives in the French colony. We shall first identify the participants in the attack on Deerfield. Turning our attention to the captives, we shall study the process of their integration into the colony and their assimilation by religion. We shall examine the modalities of adoption of the captives by the colonists and the Amerindians. We shall also see what was the influence of marriage on the insertion of captives into Canadian social networks. Finally, we shall analyze the social and occupational status and the social reproduction of the immediate descendants of some of these captives.

La prédation – pillages, prises de captifs et prélèvements tributaires – est un aspect important de la pratique guerrière dans les sociétés du haut Moyen Âge. Elle met en circulation de grandes quantités de richesses qui viennent alimenter les trésors des rois et des potentes. Cette étude vise à en dégager le rôle dans le fonctionnement et la reproduction des pouvoirs, dans le monde franc du VIe au Xe siècle.Les enjeux sont nombreux. L'appropriation de biens par la guerre est déterminante dans la capacité des grands à mobiliser des combattants, qui bénéficient d'une part de ces richesses. En outre, elle leur permet d'accumuler des biens de prestige essentiels dans la praxis aristocratique : objets précieux, armes, chevaux… Ces biens alimentent les échanges matériels entre les élites. Ils peuvent être distribués aux fidèles ou donnés à d'autres princes. La prédation est également facteur de gloire. Le butin fait parfois l'objet de pratiques ostentatoires illustrant la victoire des chefs de guerre.Si elle est facteur de cohésion, la prédation est aussi au centre de concurrences. La royauté franque impose une domination tributaire aux gentes voisines, ce qui apparaît aussi bien comme un moyen de stabiliser l'espace frontalier que d'institutionnaliser à son profit exclusif l'appropriation prédatrice. Les grands en charge des espaces frontaliers tendent au contraire à multiplier les confrontations guerrières afin d'en retirer les bénéfices. Parallèlement, l'expansion franque se traduit par une forte compétition entre les acteurs pour le contrôle des ressources foncières. Cette étude montre ainsi comment la question de la prédation éclaire sous un angle nouveau le rapport entre élites et richesse dans le monde franc. / Predation – looting, taking of captives, pressing of tributes – is an important aspect of early medieval warrior activity. Large amounts of wealth circulate and supply kings' and potentes' treasures. This study aims at exposing the role of related practices in the context of the establishment and functioning of power in sixth to tenth century Frankish society.There is a lot at stake. Appropriation of material goods by war allows the magnates to mobilize warriors, who often receive a share of wealth. What is more, these practices enable the accumulation of prestige goods, that are essential in aristocratic praxis : alongside precious objects, they include weapons, horses… These goods are central to material exchanges within the elite. They can be distributed to the fideles or given to other princes. Predation also represents glory. War leaders willingly exhibit booty to illustrate a recent victory.Being a means to cohesion, predatory practices also are at the center of competition. Frankish kings impose tributary domination to neighboring gentes, which appears at the same time as a means to stabilizing the border area, and as a way to institutionalize to its own account predatory profits. Instead, magnates in charge of border areas tend to seek warlike confrontations in order to reap the benefits. At the same time, the Frankish expansion results in a strong competition between magnates to control land resources. This study thus exposes to what extense these practices shed new light on the link between the elite and wealth in the Frankish world.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-11-30T12:55:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Augusto Maciel da Silva_.pdf: 1672347 bytes, checksum: 986db745d9eae541bd350af8e1542664 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-30T12:55:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Augusto Maciel da Silva_.pdf: 1672347 bytes, checksum: 986db745d9eae541bd350af8e1542664 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-03 / CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Este trabalho aborda o tema do cativeiro a partir dos casos de aprisionamento de indígenas e hispano-criollos ocorridos nos territórios ao sul de Buenos Aires ao longo do século XVIII. Ainda que a tomada de cativos entre as parcialidades aborígenes pudesse existir antes mesmo da chegada dos espanhóis, foram estes últimos os que mais fizeram prisioneiros. Assim, inserindo estas capturas no contexto do avanço colonial, procuramos examinar os motivos e os argumentos utilizados pelos espanhóis para justificar tais prisões, bem como investigamos os destinos aos quais as populações autóctones eram encaminhadas. Junto a isso, tentamos nos aproximar de uma perspectiva que explique o papel do rapto e do cativeiro para as sociedades nativas que aqui estudamos. Em relação ao que era praticado pelos índios, propomos isolar o rapto do cativeiro, e abordamos cada questão a partir de suas próprias especificidades. Para os hispânicos, a apreensão de prisioneiros indígenas tinha objetivos oficiais voltados à conversão, segurança e aquisição de novas terras; entre os indígenas, o rapto complementaria práticas econômicas familiares. Enquanto para os primeiros o cativeiro em si vinha a ser uma consequência decorrente dos ataques realizados contra os nativos, para estes, o cativeiro era a própria finalidade da apreensão. / This study addresses the captivity theme, based on the Indians and hispanic-criollo imprisonment cases, that occurred throughout the 18th century, in the South of Buenos Aires. Despite the fact that the imprisonment of captives could exist between the Indians parties even before the Spaniards' arrival, were the latter that held more prisoners. Therefore, inserting those captures in the context of colonial advance, we look to explore the reasons and arguments used by the Spaniards to justify such captures, as well as investigate the destinations where the indigenous population were routed. In addition, we try to approach from a perspective that explain the abduction and captivity role for the native societies studied here. Regarding to what was practiced by the Indians, we propose to segregate the abduction from captivity, and approach each issue from their own particularities. For the hispanic, the capture of indigenous prisioners had official objectives, directed to the conversion, safety and acquisition of new land. Among the natives, the capture would complement family economic practices. The captivity itself would come to be an outcome, resulting from the attacks conducted against the natives for the first, but for these, the captivity was the own purpose of imprisonment.

Le 29 février 1704, une force de 250 alliés franco-amérindiens attaque le petit village frontalier de Deerfield au Massachusetts et enlève 112 habitants. De ce nombre, 89 parviennent vivants en Nouvelle-France. À la fin de la guerre de Succession d’Espagne, 25 d’entre eux finissent par s’installer parmi les Français ou les Amérindiens. Pendant longtemps, ils auront le statut de captifs, d’Anglais ou simplement, d’étrangers. Ce travail vise à reconstituer le parcours de vie et d’intégration des anciens captifs de Deerfield dans la colonie française. Nous identifierons pour commencer les participants de l’attaque de Deerfield. Passant ensuite aux captifs, nous étudierons le processus d’intégration à la colonie et d’assimilation par la religion. Nous aborderons les modalités de l’adoption des captifs par les Français et les Amérindiens. Nous verrons quelle a été l’influence du mariage quant à l’insertion des captifs dans les réseaux sociaux. Finalement, nous analyserons le statut socioprofessionnel et la reproduction sociale de la descendance immédiate de certains de ces captifs. / On February 29th, 1704, a force of 250 French and Amerindian allies attacked the small border village of Deerfield, Massachusetts and kidnapped 112 inhabitants, 89 of whom made it alive to New France. At the end of the War of the Spanish Succession, 25 of these captives stayed among the French or the Amerindians. For a long time, they had the status of captives, English or simply, foreigners. This work aims to reconstitute the course of life and integration of the former Deerfield captives in the French colony. We shall first identify the participants in the attack on Deerfield. Turning our attention to the captives, we shall study the process of their integration into the colony and their assimilation by religion. We shall examine the modalities of adoption of the captives by the colonists and the Amerindians. We shall also see what was the influence of marriage on the insertion of captives into Canadian social networks. Finally, we shall analyze the social and occupational status and the social reproduction of the immediate descendants of some of these captives.

The concept of slavery in ancient Egypt is a debated issue, that has mostly focused upon the different uses of the phrasing and terminology of the different words for servitude. Without giving too much emphasis upon the different terminologies, this essay presents a summary of the state of slavery within the borders of Egypt during the New Kingdom. As different kinds of servitude existed in the country, the focus is upon the types of slaves who were the property of their master and could be bought and sold. The essay presents who the slave was and where he came from, as well as what kinds of duties the slave was used for. The process of acquisition is also covered, before finally discussing the rights of the slave as well as the means to become free of your bonds.

When the first Europeans set foot on the North American continent, they clashed, both physically and culturally, with the native inhabitants. The Indian practice of taking, adopting, and sometimes torturing captives offended the Europeans more than any other practice. The treatment afforded to captives varied from tribe to tribe and tended to change as the Indians adapted to the new environment and adjusted to the increased pressure thrust upon them by the advancing whites. The primary sources used were Indian captivity narratives. The 111-volume "Garland Library of North American Indian Captivities" has made many of the better known narratives more readily available.

This thesis presents an inquiry into the issue of Christian captives in 17 th century Morocco, while the main concern is given to all main aspects of the moroccan captivity. The thesis begins with the introduction to the historical background of the period, which is followed by chronological delineation of the act of being taken captive where the corsaires of Salé took their part, then the living conditions which the Christians had to face during their captivity in Morocco, to the possibilities of redemption which the situation offered. keywords: Morocco, piracy, captives, Christians, 17 th century, Moulay Ismail, Salé, Republic of Bouregreg

This qualitative study sheds light on the framing of the sexual abuse of the Boko Haram's female captives sent to the internally displaced persons (IDP) camps and analyzes emotional themes from tweets focusing on the release of the Boko Haram's female victims, the Chibok girls. Six articles were chosen from BBC (a British news source), Punch (a Nigerian news source), and the New York Times (an American news source) to reveal the frames. In addition, 118 tweets were examined to address emotional tweets under #ourgirlsareback, #82chibokgirls, #chibokgirls82, and #chibokgirls. The findings discovered the presence of the human interest frame, conflict frame, responsibility frame, and a stereotype in the articles. The tweets showed positive common themes- joy, gratitude, and hope. Also, the tweets included conspiracy theories.

Pendant l’Antiquité tardive, en Occident, les prisonniers reçoivent de l’aide pour supporter leur condition ou pour y échapper. Ceux qui sont détenus par une autorité judiciaire sont soutenus matériellement et psychologiquement sans restriction légale, mais leurs bienfaiteurs se heurtent à l’arbitraire de surveillants parfois corrompus. Le sentiment d’humiliation associé à la prison est nuancé au sein des communautés chrétiennes victimes des persécutions, car celles-ci attribuent à l’emprisonnement une signification religieuse. Les prisonniers de guerre sont rapatriés, notamment grâce à la pratique du rachat, et bénéficient du droit de postliminium qui leur permet de retrouver leur statut juridique antérieur à leur retour. Néanmoins, ils ont désormais l’obligation légale de rembourser leur bienfaiteur pour que s’applique ce droit et, à défaut, sont placés dans la dépendance de celui-ci. Quant au pouvoir romain, il fait du retour sans contrepartie des captifs une condition de paix impérative, signe d’une domination incontestée. La christianisation des sociétés impériale puis romano-barbares accroît l’intérêt pour la condition des prisonniers. A partir du Ve siècle, les efforts en faveur des prisonniers de guerre s’intensifient dans un contexte où leur nombre est multiplié en raison du recul et de l’effacement de l’Empire romain. L’Eglise intègre à son action charitable la libération et l’entretien des captifs de même que l’assistance aux détenus, qu’ils soient accusés ou condamnés. Désormais promu à un rôle de protecteur des cités, l’évêque assume cette fonction en portant secours aux prisonniers, et consolide ainsi son nouveau rang social et politique. / In the Late Antique West, prisoners are being helped in order to bear the bad conditions of their captivity or to be liberated. The inmates often receive visits and material as well as psychological support without any legal restriction. Yet, benefactors have often difficulties with the guards who take arbitrary decisions and are sometimes corrupted. Prison is no longer only a humiliating place because it is given a religious meaning by Christians during the persecutions. Captives are liberated, particularly by being redeemed, and profit from the postliminium legislation which allow them to recover their former juridical status. Nevertheless, they are from then on under the obligation to pay back their benefactor before they actually benefit by this right. If they can’t, they remain dependent on him. As for Roman authorities, they make of the return of captives without any compensation a non negotiable peace condition in order to show their total superiority. The progressive Christianization of the West make people show more interest for prisoners. From the beginning of the Vth century A. D., Captives, who become more and more numerous because of the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, receive more help. Redeeming captives and taking care of them is now a part of the Church charity work, as well as supporting inmates, whether they are accused or condemned. Being promoted protectors of cities, bishops are dealing with this responsibility by rescuing and relieving prisoners. Thus, they strengthen their new social and political rank.