Many scholars have speculated that censorship efforts will be ineffective in the information age, where the possibility of accessing incriminating information about almost any political entity will benefit the masses at the expense of the powerful. Others have speculated that while information can now move instantly across borders, autocrats can still use fear and intimidation to encourage citizens to keep quiet. This manuscript demonstrates that the deluge of information in fact still benefits those in power by observing that the degree of accessibility of information is still determined by organized groups and governments. Even though most information is possible to access, as normal citizens get lost in the cacophony of information available to them, their consumption of information is highly influenced by the costs of obtaining it. Much information is either disaggregated online or somewhat inaccessible, and organized groups, with resources and incentives to control this information, use information flooding and information friction as methods of controlling the cost of information for consumers. I demonstrate in China that fear is not the primary deterrent for the spread of information; instead, there are massively different political implications of having certain information completely free and easy to obtain as compared to being available, but slightly more difficult to access. / Government

This study explores the subversive stance taken by the Afrikaans little magazine Stet (1982–1991) against the then current ideologies of Afrikaansness, apartheid, and censorship in South Africa during the 1980s. A narrative exploration of the context and circumstances from which the publication emerged, provides a base from which the visualisation of the subversive stance on the covers of Stet is semiotically analysed. The oppositional and alternative nature of the covers of Stet is discussed from within the Barthesian paradigm of myth construction and the discipline of social semiotics. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Visual Arts / unrestricted

Depuis le milieu des années 1970, l’encadrement juridique des publications érotiques n’a pas connu, en France, d’évolution majeure. Notre législation actuelle est l’héritière des réformes libérales observées, en textes et en faits, à la fin des années 1960, venues déconstruire un dispositif coercitif qui n’avait cessé de se perfectionner depuis 1939, dans le sillage du combat mené, dans l’entre-deux-guerres, par les défenseurs de la moralité publique. Ce travail s’attache à éclairer l’histoire de ce dispositif juridique qui, de son émergence dans les années 1920 à sa dissolution dans les années 1970, est venu à la fois enregistrer et influencer l’évolution des mœurs et de la société françaises. Quels en ont été les fondements, les relais, les soutiens ? Quels ont été ses effets et ses limites ? Par qui et pourquoi ce dispositif a-t-il été contesté et comment cette contestation s’est-elle inscrite dans le mouvement général des revendications libérales de la fin des années 1960 ? De 1881 à 1958, l’appareil juridique encadrant les publications érotiques est régulièrement revu (en 1882, 1898, 1908, 1939, 1949 et 1958), dans un sens toujours plus répressif. La parenthèse de l’entre-deux-guerres n’en est pas vraiment une : elle est en réalité le creuset dans lequel s’élabore la grande réforme de la législation de l’outrage aux bonnes mœurs qui sera entérinée à la veille de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En 1967, pour la première fois depuis la loi du 29 juillet 1881, un assouplissement est apporté à l’encadrement moral de la presse et de l’édition. Malgré un sursaut réactionnaire dont pâtiront de nombreux auteurs et éditeurs au tournant des années 1960-1970, les années 1968 auront, dans l’ensemble, raison de ce dispositif répressif. Cette thèse se propose d’abord de dégager les origines et les fondements des innovations juridiques majeures qui interviennent le 29 juillet 1939 dans le domaine de la répression de l’outrage aux bonnes mœurs commis par la voie de la presse et du livre. Elle s’intéresse ensuite aux conditions d’adoption ainsi qu’à l’entrée en vigueur de l’article 14 de la loi du 16 juillet 1949, qui vient seconder, sur un plan administratif, la répression judiciaire mise en place dix ans plus tôt. Enfin, en observant le déploiement de cette nouvelle législation de 1950 à 1970, nous en étudions les effets et retraçons l’histoire de sa contestation. / Since the middle of the 1970s, the juridical framework for erotic publications in France has experienced no major developments. Our current legislation has been inherited from liberal reforms from the late 1960s, which have deconstructed a coercive system that has been continually improved since 1939, in the wake of the battle led by defenders of public morality during the inter-war-years. This work aims to shed light on the history of this legislation, which since its emergence in the 1920s until its dissolution in the 1970s, has come to both record, and influence, the evolution if French society and its morals. What was the background and who were the intermediaries and supporters of this legislation? What were its effects and limitations? By whom and why was this legislation challenged, and how did this challenge merge with the broader movement of liberal claims in the late 1960s? From 1881 to 1958, the legal system surrounding erotic publications has regularly been reviewed (in 1882, 1898, 1908, 1939, 1949 and 1958), in a manner ever increasingly repressive. The break during the inter-war-years disguised a melting pot in which the great public decency reforms were elaborated before they were ratified on the eve of the Second World War. In 1967, for the first time since the July 29, 1881 law, the moral framework for the press and publication industry was relaxed. Many authors and publishers suffered a reactionary backlash in the late 1960s through to the 1970s, however May 1968 and its follow-up overcame this repressive system. This thesis proposes primarily to clarify the origins and foundations of the major juridical innovations that are contained in the July 29, 1939 law relating to public indecency that directly impacted the press and book industry. Secondarily, it focuses on the conditions for the adoption, as well as the subsequent application of article 14 of the July 16, 1949 law, which on an administrative level reinforced the judicial repression set up ten years previously. Finally, in examining the development of this new legislation from 1950 to 1970, we will study its effects and retrace the history of its contestation.

The diploma thesis "Media Reflection of Jaroslav Drobny emigration" considers story of July 1949, when famous Czechoslovak tennis player Jaroslav Drobny left his country. It was during his stay at the tennis tournament in Gstaad, Switzerland. This diploma thesis has a theoretical part. It describes person Jaroslav Drobny, it shows the situation in Czechoslovakia in the late 1940's, situation of international sports at reasons why people were leaving their country. The main part of the work contains a deep search of several general dailies. In 1948 it was Rudé právo, Mladá fronta, Práce, Lidová demokracie and magazine Ruch in the period from the 15th May to the 10th June, when Jaroslav Drobny has been playing French Open in Paris and got to the finals. A year after, 1949, the same media was researched in the period from the 1st to the 31st July. It was the month Jaroslav Drobny left Czechoslovakia. And the same media was researched in the period from the 15th May to the 30th June when Jaroslav Drobny has been again playing French Open in Paris and again got to the finals, but at that time he already owned an Egyptian citizenship. Nineteen year later, in 1968 during the period of "Prague spring", issue of Jaroslav Drobny emigration was re - opened and the same media except magazine Ruch and including...

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The surveillance in China is a topic which has been the subject of extensive scientific studies. First and foremost, the digital surveillance of the population of China has been explained by a number of scholars over the years. Nevertheless, the monitoring of the Chinese diaspora is a research area that has been explained to a limited extent and where the studies of monitoring of the Chinese diaspora in Sweden are not to be found in research for the present study. The purpose of the study is thus to investigate past and present citizens’ relationship to the internet and social media linked to surveillance with the aim of clarifying how the feeling of being monitored contributes to the individual’s application of self-censorship. The method of collecting the empiricism has included six different interviews. The result showed that the Chinese diasporas feeling of being monitored contributes in some cases to self-censorship on social media. The monitoring operator consists partly of state of China, but also the Chinese diasporas community on social media is perceives as a monitoring actor. The conclusions of the study show that the Chinese diaspora largely reflects on the posts before publishing. Self- censorship was also practiced with various reasons and extent on Western and Chinese social media. Horizontal surveillance was fund on both Western and Chinese social media, while state surveillance instead perceived on western social media. A further form of self-censorship emerged where state surveillance as well as surveillance from ideological groups active in the country resulted in deletion of posts upon entry to another country and created the concept of travel censorship.

This master thesis deals with the translations of Hans Christian Andersen's fairy tales into Czech and their reception in the period from 1948 to 1989. After a description of the historical context and the status of children's and translated literature in the given period, an analysis of different fairy tales follows, with a focus on the influence of cultural and language norms and literary tradition on the translations. Special attention has been paid to censorship. The theoretical background consists of a chapter dedicated to Andersen's life and work, characteristics of his fairy tales and their reception, and a chapter dealing with the specifics of the translation of children's literature. The thesis also includes a bibliography of Czech translations of Andersen's fairy tales (book editions) and a bibliography of reviews, monographs and articles about Andersen published between 1948 and 1989. The main contributions of this thesis are in providing an overview of the translations in the given period and its analysis of the influence of norms and censorship on the translation. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

<p>Over the years, the Internet has become a platform where individuals share their thoughts and personal information. In some cases, these content contain some damaging or sensitive information, which a malicious data collector can leverage to exploit the individual. Nevertheless, what people consider to be sensitive is a relative matter: it not only varies from one person to another but also changes through time. Therefore, it is hard to identify what content is considered sensitive or damaging, from the viewpoint of a malicious entity that does not target specific individuals, rather scavenges the data-sharing platforms to identify sensitive information as a whole. However, the actions that users take to change their privacy preferences or hide their information assists these malicious entities in discovering the sensitive content. </p><p><br></p><p>This thesis offers Crowd Blending techniques to create privacy-preserving systems while maintaining platform utility. In particular, we focus on two privacy tasks for two different data-sharing platforms— i) concealing content deletion on social media platforms and ii) concealing censored information in cryptocurrency blockchains. For the concealment of the content deletion problem, first, we survey the users of social platforms to understand their deletion privacy expectations. Second, based on the users’ needs, we propose two new privacy-preserving deletion mechanisms for the next generation of social platforms. Finally, we compare the effectiveness and usefulness of the proposed mechanisms with the current deployed ones through a user study survey. For the second problem of concealing censored information in cryptocurrencies, we present a provably secure stenography scheme using cryptocurrencies. We show the possibility of hiding censored information among transactions of cryptocurrencies.</p>

With the new challenges of the digital world associated with disinformation, data breaches, and cybercrimes (Cadwalladr &amp; Graham-Harrison, 2018; Connolly et al., 2016; Shipley &amp; Bowker, 2013) many countries nowadays discuss approaches to Internet regulation. In Ukraine, which faced propaganda tactics employed by Russia as a part of the Ukrainian-Russian conflict (Yurkova, 2018), the need for information security in recent years became a major challenge. In 2017, authorities of Ukraine addressed the challenge by introducing sanctions to the most-used Russian web-platforms, including social networks Vkontakte and Odnoklassniki, search engine Yandex, and many other services. This study analyzed the discourse that was formed around the decision. The work incorporates the model of critical discourse analysis by Fairclough (1995a) and framing analysis by Pan &amp; Kosicki (1993). This qualitative study analyzed materials from Ukrainian online media, TV stories, user comments, and political speeches from 16th-17th May 2017 – the dates when the decision on blocking of Russian web-sources was announced to the Ukrainian public. The research answers the questions about the dominant discourses in society regarding the approach of the authorities to Internet regulation, the main arguments and counter-arguments, and media framing. The results show that the discussion was locked in a trap of two dominant discourses of freedom of speech and national security, whereas alternative measures to restrictions were not represented on the public agenda.

In Xinjiang, China’s largest autonomous region situated in the country’s north-western corner, severe violations against the human rights of its inhabitants, primarily the native muslim minority Uyghur people, has been committed by the Chinese state. According to investigations from the European Parliament in 2020, over a million people are currently, or have previously been, incarcerated in so-called internment camps in 2020. These internment camps have received worldwide attention since their reveal; something that the Chinese state have worked to succumb by restricting access by foreign journalists through barring their entrance to the Xinjiang province, an action taken to limit the reports about the camps, according to Amnesty International.In view of this background, this study aims to draw conclusions on the ability of Swedish journalists to accurately report on the issue of the Uyghurs given the Chinese authoritarian rule. It also focuses on investigating how the media reporting frames the Uyghur issue and creates a discours for reporting on this very issue. Continuing, the study consists of interviews with six Swedish correspondents based in China and one foreign editor, as well as a critical discourse analysis of 16 articles from the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter. Given the research questions and the interviews, this study draws the conclusion that the interviewed Swedish foreign correspondents lack proper access to the issue at hand to accurately report on it. This, because of actions taken by the Chinese state to limit access to the Xinjiang region through surveillance and pressure. This, furthermore, creates a situation in which the reporting could be considered static given this very lack of access and new information on the issue. Additionally the analysis of the 16 articles show that there is an apparent lack of cohesion in what words are used primarily describing the camps in Xinjiang; which in turn creates different connotations for the readers.