My thesis examines how metaphors of globalization shape the global governance of the Internet. I consider how, in a short span of time, discussions of the Internet’s globalizing potential have gone from the optimism of the global village to the penchant of the global marketplace to the anxiety of the global war on terror. Building upon Rorty’s theory of metaphors and Foucault’s notion of productive power, I investigate how the shifts in these prevailing metaphors have produced and legitimated different frameworks of global governance. In considering how these patterns of governance have been shaped in the context of a familiar example of globalization, I demonstrate that globalization has an important discursive dimension that works as a constitutive force – not only in Internet governance, but in global governance more generally. By illuminating globalization’s discursive dimensions, this thesis makes an original theoretical contribution to the study of globalization and global governance. It demonstrates that globalization is more than a set of empirical flows: equally important, globalization exists as a set of discourses that reconstitute political legitimacy in more ‘global’ terms. This recasts the conventional understanding of global governance: rather than a response to the challenges posed by the empirical transcendence of territorial borders or the visible proliferation of non-state actors, the aims, institutions and policies of global governance are shaped and enabled by discourses of globalization, and evolve as these discourses change. In short, this thesis provides further insight into globalization’s transformations of state-based political order. It links these transformations to the discursive processes by which systems of global governance are produced and legitimated as sites of power and authority.

<p>Korpus književnih tekstova, književna<br />produkcija štampe u periodu od šest godina, njen<br />prikaz u celini, iziskivao je jedan širi<br />istorijski i kulturnoistorijski osvrt na<br />prethodni period. S jedne strane, u velikim crtama<br />su predočeni počeci manjinske mađarske štampe na<br />ovim prostorima u međuratnom razdoblju ,a s druge<br />strane prikazano je osnivanje listova i časopisa u<br />novoj socijalisti-čkoj državi. Predmet proučavanja<br />su činili sledeći listovi: subotički H&iacute;d,<br />pokrenut maja 1934. kao društve-ni, književni i<br />kritički časopis, koji je ponovo pokrenut 1.<br />novembra 1945. Po ugledu na Slobodnu Vojvodinu,<br />24. decembra 1944. pokrenut je prvi mađarski<br />dnevni list Szabad Vajdas&aacute;g, koji se od 27.<br />septembra 1945, objavljuje pod naslovom Magyar Sz&oacute;.<br />Omladinski list Ifjus&aacute;g Szava pojavio se 7. marta<br />1945, a od 17. marta 1951. objavljivan je kao Ifjus&aacute;g.<br />Oktobra 1946. pokrenut je list za žene Vajdas&aacute;gi Dolgoz&oacute; Nő koji posle šest brojeva menja naziv u</p><p>Dolgoz&oacute; Nő. Pored ovih izlazila su još dva<br />nedeljnika: 5. aprila 1946. pokrenut je 7 Nap, a 13.<br />novembra 1947. radnički list Dolgoz&oacute;k.<br />Prva vojvođanska mađarska knjiga iz oblasti<br />književnosti , antologija T&eacute;gl&aacute;k &eacute;s bar&aacute;zd&aacute;k (Cigle<br />i brazde), pojavila se 1947. godine. Mada su knjige<br />na mađarskom jeziku izlazile već od 1945, one su<br />bile mahom društveno-političke brošure u<br />službi aktualne politike i vladajuće ideologije.<br />U vrlo važna izdanja posle 1945. spadaju narodni<br />kalendari koji su štampani uvek krajem godine za<br />narednu godinu, a donosili su obilje književnih<br />priloga: pesme, novele, pripovetke i to u vreme<br />kada jedva da je bilo objavljenih mađarskih<br />književnih tekstova vojvođanskih pisaca. Ove<br />periodične publikacije su objavljivane u vrlo<br />velikom tiražu, (npr. Narodni kalendar za 1948. u<br />75000 primeraka), a često su imale i drugo izdanje,<br />što znači da su dospeli do širokih slojeva<br />čitalačke publike. U korpus tekstova uključeni su<br />i svi književni tekstovi iz kalendara do 1952.<br />godine.<br />U vidu priloga, sastavni deo disertacije<br />čine Bibliografija književnih priloga u<br />periodici i Bibliografija posebnih izdanja. Pored<br />toga, urađen je i Biografski leksikon pisaca koji se<br />spominju u radu.<br />Rezultali istraživanja i proučavanja ukazuju<br />na to da je u periodu 1947-1952 najvažnija<br />pokretačka snaga bila politika i propaganda, i da<br />je od njih zavisila uređivačka koncepcija listova i<br />časopisa. Naime, što je bilo više problema u<br />politici i spoljnoj politici, sve je bilo manje<br />književnih priloga u listovima. Politička<br />propaganda je bila skoro najvažnija, jer je<br />određivala tematiku književnog teksta, da li ona<br />odgovara očekivanoj ili preporučenoj temi. Od<br />stranih pisaca najviše su se objavljivani ruski, i<br />skoro u svakom članku ili kritičkom osvrtu preporučivala se ruska literatura kao uzor koji treba slediti. Znakovi promene modu se primetiti tokom 1951-1952. godine.U poslednje dve godine proučavanog perioda mnogo</p><p>je više književnih priloga u listovaima, teme su<br />raznovrsnije i čini se da je književnost manje<br />izložena dnevnoj politici, ali ona još uvek deluje<br />iz pozadine kao i ranije, a mnogi pisci još uvek su<br />zatočeni na Golom otoku.</p>

Le poète arménien Yéghiché Tcharents (1897-1937) devient victime des répressions staliniennes des années 30. Tcharents est déjà un poète connu lorsque la révolution éclate en Russie. Il voit dans la révolution le sauveur de son peuple au destin tragique. Il croit aux idéaux humanistes de Lénine comme beaucoup de ses contemporains. Cependant, le pouvoir totalitaire de Staline change son regard politique. Sa poésie reflète ses inquiétudes. En 1933, le recueil de poèmes Livre du chemin, un compte-rendu de sa vision poétique de la construction de la nouvelle société, ainsi que de l’éducation de l’homme soviétique, est censuré. Il est publié à nouveau avec des modifications. Tcharents, le poète de tous les combats, ne parvient pas à cacher son désaccord, sa désillusion vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique. Il témoigne à travers sa poésie. Le système répressif ne le laisse plus en paix. Il est inculpé comme contre-révolutionnaire, trotskiste, nationaliste, terroriste. En juillet 1936, il est assigné à résidence. La poésie demeure l’unique espace où il pense et écrit librement. Malade et conscient de l’imminence de sa mort, il survit grâce à sa poésie, dans son univers de visions. L’argumentation de la thèse est construite sur l’analyse littéraire des textes du corpus : le Livre du chemin et les textes poétiques de 1935 à 1937 de Tcharents. Une étude concise du contexte historico-politique de sa poésie et une analyse littéraire de son œuvre avant 1933 sont aussi proposées, permettant de mieux percevoir la complexité des relations entre le poète-individu et son époque, et enfin, de réunir tous les éléments nécessaires de traduction faisant partie de l’objectif de cette étude doctorale. / The Armenian poet Yeghishe Charents (1897-1937) becomes victim of Stalin’s repressions in the Thirties. Charents is already known as a poet when the revolution bursts in Russia. He sees in the revolution the saver of his people with the tragic destiny. Like many of his contemporaries he believes in the humanistic ideals of Lenin. However, the totalitarian power of Stalin changes his political views. His poetry reflects his concerns. In 1933, the collection of poems Book of the way, a report of his poetic vision of the new society, as well as the education of the Soviet man, is censored. It is published with changes. Charents, the poet actively involved in a number of social issues, cannot hide his dissension and disillusion with respect to the political power. He bespeaks through his poetry. The repressive system does not leave him any more in peace. He is accused of being a contra-revolutionist, trotskyist, nationalist, terrorist. In July 1936, he is put under house arrest. Poetry remains the sole space where he thinks and writes freely. Ill and aware of the imminence of his death, he survives in his universe of visions thanks to his poetry.The argumentation of this doctoral thesis is built on the literary analysis of the texts in the corpus: the Book of the way and the poetic texts of 1935 to 1937. A concise study of the historical-political context of his poetry and a literary analysis of his work before 1933 are also proposed. This allows to better perceive the complexity of the relations between the poet-individual and his time and, finally joins all the elements necessary for the translation, which is an objective of this doctoral study.

La version intégrale de ce mémoire est disponible uniquement pour consultation individuelle à la Bibliothèque de musique de l’Université de Montréal (www.bib.umontreal.ca/MU). / Le chansonnier breton Théodore Botrel est connu pour être le père du mouvement de propagande de la Bonne Chanson. Ce mouvement naît dans le contexte montmartrois, alors qu’en 1900, les chansonniers se réunissent en Congrès pour discuter de l’avenir de leur art, malmené par le flot infatigable des chansons de café-concert. Ce combat pour la « saine » culture, c’est aussi celui de la IIIe République au nom de la moralité. C’est dans ce contexte que Botrel, débutant dans les cabarets artistiques parisiens, choisit de ne chanter que sa Bretagne dans un répertoire exempt de grivoiseries. Il s’inscrit alors dans un courant qui embrasse la Belle Époque : le régionalisme. Soucieuse de préserver le particularisme des « petites patries » et face au pouvoir centralisateur parisien, l’élite culturelle régionale entreprend un vaste travail de valorisation des régions. La Bretagne occupe une place particulière dans ce courant en tant que conservatoire de la tradition et principale victime des réformes d’Émile Combes qui s’attaquent aux ferments de son identité : sa langue et sa religion. Ce mouvement trouve écho au Canada français où l’idéologie dominante brandit l’étendard du nationalisme politico-culturel. Parce qu’ils défendent l’idée de la « vocation française » en Amérique et le maintien des « bonnes mœurs », l’élite traditionnelle et les journaux saluent les venues de Botrel au Québec en 1903 et 1922. Patriotique, catholique et conservateur, le chansonnier bénéficie de la conjoncture historico-culturelle québéco-bretonne. De Paris à la Bretagne, puis au Canada, Botrel connaît un succès sans égal. / The Breton cabaret singer Théodore Botrel is known as the father of the propagandist movement of La Bonne Chanson. In the context of Montmartre's culture, the year 1900 sees the creation of this movement during a Congress uniting cabaret artists to discuss the future of their art, scoffed by the tireless torrent of café-concert songs. This fight for “sane” culture is also the one of the Third Republic in the name of morality. It is in this context that Botrel, who makes his debut in the Parisian artistic cabarets, chooses to sing only about Brittany and without bawdy talk. Therefore, he is part of a trend which embraces the Belle Époque : regionalism. Concerned about protecting the distinctive identity of “small homelands” and in the face of Parisian centralizing power, the regional cultural elite begins greatly promoting regions. Brittany occupies a particular place in this trend as conservatory of traditions and as the main victim of the reforms of Émiles Combes which attack the ferments of its identity : language and religion. This movement finds echo in French Canada where the dominant ideology brandishes the banner of politico-cultural nationalism. Because they defend the idea of the “French vocation” in America and seek to preserve “good customs”, the traditional elite and newspapers welcome Botrels’ visits in Quebec in 1903 and 1922. Patriotic, catholic and conservative, the cabaret singer benefits from the historico-cultural circumstances in Quebec and in Brittany. From Paris to Brittany, then in Canada, Botrel knows an unequalled success.

In 1971, radio station KGBS, Los Angeles, developed a format featuring a male host taking telephone calls from females only who discussed explicit sexual experiences over the air. Many other radio stations in the United States programmed this "sex-talk" format until 1973, when the Federal Communications Commission took steps to eliminate it. This study examines the origin, development, success, causes for eventual demise, and impact upon the broadcasting industry of the sex-talk format. The United States Congress pressured the FCC to act on the sex-talk format, and the study concludes that broadcasters would not have succumbed to government pressure if they had not feared governmental intrusion in programming and Congressional rejection of license renewal legislation.

Rendue possible par les NTIC, une nouvelle forme de journalisme numérique privilégiant la parole publique a pris son essor. Les amateurs se retrouvent désormais au coeur de l’actualité en tant que source ou témoin. Ce phénomène est présent partout dans le monde, mais la Corée du Sud est considérée comme le pays où la participation des amateurs est la plus active. Dans ce pays, les expériences du journalisme « citoyen » sont liées à la logique d’une alternative aux médias de masse. Le succès du site OhmyNews, considéré comme précurseur du journalisme participatif, est dû à la volonté des Coréens de se saisir d'une liberté de parole dont ils ont été privés jusqu'à la fin des années 80. Initiés par ce succès, de multiples pure players et d’innombrable plateformes participatives sont apparus. Ce phénomène a favorisé le développement du journalisme « amateur » et a engendré la fin de l’ère du monopole des médias traditionnels. Le journalisme amateur à l'heure d'internet est-il et a-t-il les moyens d'être une véritable voix d'expression populaire ? Cette recherche montre que la pratique des amateurs permet une nouvelle forme de l'expression médiatique, mais produit désormais une surabondance de l’expression privée. En particulier, les sites-portails génèrent des recettes publicitaires en exploitant le contenu apporté par les utilisateurs en privilégiant de l’information divertissante. Leur domination sur le marché des médias en ligne est le facteur le plus inquiétant non seulement pour les médias traditionnels mais également pour l’avenir de l’information. En parallèle, nous avons observé l’évolution de la culture de la participation politique depuis l’explosion d’Internet. Les internautes informés par diverses plateformes ont participé activement dans les lieux de discussion proposés par la plupart des sites d’actualités. Ces espaces numériques, en favorisant l’apparition d’une nouvelle scène de débat public, ont accru les capacités de mobilisation des citoyens. Mais, cela a finalement provoqué un contrôle trop sévère d’Internet par l’Etat. Dans ce contexte, le journalisme amateur nous semble instrumentalisé par la logique du marché, tandis que l’espace de la parole citoyenne est de plus en plus réduit dans le champ politique. / Thanks to the NTIC, a new form of digital journalism has arisen, which favours public speech. Amateur journalists now find themselves at the heart of the news, as a source or as a witness. This phenomenon is observed everywhere in the world, but South Korea is thought to be the country where amateur journalists are the most involved. In this country, experiments in "citizen" journalism are linked to the logic of an alternative to mass media. The success of the website Ohmynews, considered as the forerunner of participative journalism, is due to the Koreans' desire to grasp the freedom of speech they have been deprived of until the end of the 80s’. Following this success, numerous pure players and countless participative platforms have appeared. This phenomenon has fostered the development of "amateur" journalism and triggered the end of an era of traditional media monopoly. Still one may asks whether, in the internet era, amateur journalism has the means to be a real voice for popular expression. This research shows that the practice of journalism by amateurs allows a new form of media expression, but at the same time produces a superabundance of private expression. In particular, portal sites generate advertising revenues and highlights entertainment news among the content brought by the users. Their domination over the market of online media is the most worrying factor not only for traditional media but also for the future of information as a whole. At the same time, we have observed, in the internet population, an evolution in the culture of political involvement. The net surfers, who are informed through various platforms, have actively taken part in the spaces of discussion available on most news information websites. These digital spaces have encouraged the emergence of a new scene of public debate which, have increased the means of mobilization of digital citizens. But in the end, it has provoked very severe measures of State control. In this context, it appears that amateur journalism is undermined due to the prevailing rules of marketing, and that the space for citizen speech is more and more reduced.

La production dramatique de Jean-François-Louis-Népomucène Lemercier s’inscrit justement dans ce moment de transition entre ce que l’on a appelé Néoclassicisme et le Romantisme. Né en 1771 et mort en 1840, cet homme de lettres et académicien a assisté aux bouleversements qui ont caractérisé l’histoire de France du tournant des Lumières jusqu’à la Révolution de Juillet et même après. L’étendue de sa vie et surtout de son activité de dramaturge dépassent donc amplement ce « long dix-huitième siècle » que l’histoire littéraire tend à prolonger jusqu’en 1820. Ce travail s’intéresse donc à la production d’un dramaturge qui, dans son ambigüité intrinsèque, s’avère à plusieurs égards révélatrice d’une ambigüité caractérisant de manière plus générale l’ensemble de cette période de transition. Auteur de celle que l’on retient souvent comme la dernière tragédie classique – c’est le cas de son Agamemnon de 1797 – Lemercier est également considéré, déjà à partir du dix-neuvième siècle et notamment par Schlegel, comme l’un des premiers auteurs proprement romantiques, son Pinto de 1800 étant justement une protoforme de drame romantique. Ce travail se compose de deux grandes parties, la première consistant en une étude monographique sur l’ensemble de la production dramatique de Lemercier, la deuxième en une édition critique des œuvres majeures du dramaturge, son Agamemnon, qui représente un de plus grands succès tragiques de la période directoriale dont les reprises continuent jusqu’en 1826, et Pinto, une « comédie historique » qui fut en revanche un succès de scandale lors de sa création à la Comédie-Française et qui encourût par la suite la désapprobation de cinq régimes politiques. / The dramatic productions of Jean-François-Louis Népomucène Lemercier (1771-1840) reveal a transition between Neoclassicism, Preromanticism and Romanticism. This writer and academician witnessed the political and social upheavals that characterized France from the twilight of the Enlightenment until the July Revolution and thereafter. The span of his life and works amply exceeds the "long Eighteenth Century" that literary historians have extended to 1820 (Claude Pichois). This dissertation includes two main parts: a monographic study of Lemercier’s dramatic production and a critical edition of the playwright’s major works, Agamemnon (1797), one of the most successful tragedies during the “Directoire” and to 1826; and Pinto, a “historical comedy” composed between 1798 and 1800, and which was seen as a “romantic” triumph in 1834. Lemercier has often been regarded as the author of one of the last classical tragedies (Agamemnon i.e.); nevertheless, in spite of being, at times, one of Romanticism’s fiercest detractors, he emerges in Nineteenth century criticism – and above all in Schlegel’s writings – as one of the most influential pioneers of romantic drama. The intrinsic ambiguity of Lemercier’s dramatic production reveals the uncertainties of this transitional age. This ambiguity thus demands a holistic approach: the context of Lemercier’s literary works will be analyzed from an esthetic, historical and political point of view, emphasizing their intricate relationships with literary and political authorities and censorship issues throughout the period. / La produzione drammatica di Jean-François-Louis Népomucène Lemercier si inserisce in quel momento di transizione tra Neoclassicismo, Preromanticismo e Romanticismo che caratterizza gli ultimi anni del Diciottesimo e il primo trentennio del Diciannovesimo secolo. Nato nel 1771 e morto nel 1840, questo scrittore e accademico ha assistito agli sconvolgimenti che hanno caratterizzato la storia della Francia dal tournant des Lumières fino alla Rivoluzione di Luglio e anche oltre. La sua vita e la sua attività poetica oltrepassano ampiamente il “lungo Settecento” che la storia letteraria tende ad estendere sino al 1820 già a partire dalla periodizzazione proposta da Claude Pichois. Questo lavoro si concentra sulla produzione di un autore che, nella sua intrinseca ambiguità, è sotto molti aspetti indicativa di un’indeterminatezza che caratterizza più in generale questo periodo di transizione estetico-letteraria. Spesso considerato, in primis da Madame de Stael, come l’autore dell’ultima tragedia classica - è il caso di Agamemnon del 1797 - Lemercier è stato visto, già a partire dal XIX secolo e in particolare da Schlegel, come uno dei primi autori di drammi romantici, di cui Pinto, ou la journée d’une conspiration (1800) rappresenterebbe una protoforma. Il presente lavoro, che si focalizza sul macrotesto teatrale di Lemercier senza tuttavia negligere altri aspetti della sua variegata opera, consta essenzialmente di due sezioni, una dedicata allo studio del macrotesto teatrale dell’autore, con un’attenzione particolare al contesto-storico letterario e alla ricezione; l’altra all’edizione di due opere, Agamemnon e Pinto, che rappresentano per molti aspetti due degli esempi più significativi della sua produzione drammatica. Il rapporto conflittuale di Lemercier con l’autorità politica e con la nascente “scuola” romantica saranno inoltre oggetto di questa riflessione.

The thesis describes the development of regional periodicals in Mladá Boleslav from 1945 to the beginning of normalization in 1969 in terms of the historical, political and social background. The main objective is to describe how the most important regional newspapers looked and what they wrote. At the time of the Third Republic there were weekly political magazines: Social Democratic Hlas lidu and Communistic Naše Pojizeří (later called Naše noviny). During the fifties there was a rural newspapers called Nová vesnice within the central regional press, which at the end of the fifties, transformed into the district newspaper Mladoboleslavsko, later renamed Zář Mladoboleslavska. Other significant titles in the district were also racing magazine Ventil cultural monthly magazine Život mladoboleslavské kultury in the sixties. The thesis provides a historical overview and a formal content analysis of each regional periodicals. To complement the broader context of the main theme the author summarizes the development of regional print media before 1945, as well as briefly describes the political history of Czechoslovakia during the periods 1945 to 1969 including media management techniques and providing social, demographic and economic characteristics of the district of Mladá Boleslav. The thesis also...

This thesis is concerned with the issue of the publication of church newspapers and magazines and the regulation thereof by state institutions and organs of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in the period 1956-1989. The first chapter gives a general overview of the policy of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in the field of mass media and is divided into three parts: after the Second World War, after the communist putsch in February 1948 and after the invasion by armies of the Soviet Block in August 1968. To better understand the situation of the church in that period of time it was necessary to include a chapter that outlines the general context of the way in which the Communist Party perceived and understood the church and religion as such, and therefore the second chapter offers a short introduction to the 'church policy' of the Communist Party. The third chapter monitors general facts related to the publishing business of the time, with special reference to the church newspaper and its control and restriction by the Central Church Publisher and Secretariat for Church Affairs of the Ministry of Culture. The fourth and main part of this study focuses on the newspaper and magazines of the Czech Brethren Church, with each subsection containing a detailed description of the publishing...

The subject of this master thesis is the current development of the Hong Kong's news media in the period of 2005-2010 which is scrutinized through the prism of recent political and social changes of the region. The main object of this master thesis is to create a descriptive analysis of Hong Kong's mass media in the abovementioned period. This master thesis splits into three parts. First part is theoretical and examines the key media theories dealing with the concept of media systems. Furthermore, it uses the media theories to identify the Hong Kong's media system and embed it into the appropriate theoretical context. The second part presents the historical development of Hong Kong's press system and names Hong Kong's main newspapers of the last century. Third part, the main part of this master thesis, scrutinizes the development of the Hong Kong's media system after the political transition from the British to the Chinese "rule". Here, the main attention is paid to the current newspapers, broadcast stations and to the new trends in the Hong Kong's media environment. Finally, this master thesis evaluates whether the political pressure from China affects the Hong Kong's freedom of press and whether local journalists use methods of the self-censorship.