This dissertation investigates the diverse ways in which the Portuguese language expanded in Brazil, despite the multilingual landscape that predominated prior to and after the arrival of the Europeans and the African diaspora. It challenges the assumption that the predominance of Portuguese was a natural consequence and foregone conclusion of colonisation. This work argues that the expansion of Portuguese was a tumultuous process that mirrored the power relations and conflicts between Amerindian, European, African, and mestizo actors who shaped, standardised, and promoted the Portuguese language within and beyond state institutions. The expansion of Portuguese was as much a result of state intervention as it was of individual agency. Language was a mechanism of power that opened possibilities in a society where ethnic, religious, and economic criteria usually marginalised the vast majority of the population from the colonial system. Basic literacy skills allowed access to certain occupations in administration, trading, teaching, and priesthood that elevated people’s social standing. These possibilities created, in most social groups, the desire to emulate the elites and to appropriate the Portuguese language as part of their identity. This research situates the question of language, identity, and power within the theoretical framework of Atlantic history between 1695 and 1822. Atlantic history contributes to our understanding of the ways in which peoples, materials, institutions and ideas moved across Iberia, Africa and the Americas without overlooking the new contours that these elements assumed in the colony, as they moved in tandem, but also contested each other. Focusing on the mining district of Minas Gerais for its economic and social importance, this dissertation draws on multiple ecclesiastical and administrative sources to assess how ordinary people and authoritative figures daily interacted with one another to shape the Portuguese language.

Vårt syfte med undersökningen har varit att analysera censurdebatten kring Tintin i Kongo från 2012. Med utgångspunkt från argumentet att barn måste skyddas från kontroversiell litteratur har vi framför allt varit intresserade av att förstå hur nyanser av debatten skapats genom den argumentation och det språkbruk som debattörerna har använt sig av.   Teoretiska utgångspunkter: Dagordningsteori. Gestaltningsteori. Frågeställningar: På vilka sätt är debatten kring Tintin, censur och barns förmåga att hantera kontroversiell litteratur intressant för vår förståelse av hur vi använder språk för att kommunicera? Vilka uttalar sig i debatten kring censuren av Tintin? Vilka argument används? Vilka är några vanligt förekommande teman i böcker för barn mellan 6-9 år 2017?   Metod: Vårt tillvägagångssätt för att kunna besvara frågorna har varit att använda oss av textanalys. Material: Vi har till vår undersökning valt att analysera artiklar. Urvalet har skett från de två dagstidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet och kvällstidningarna Aftonbladet och Expressen. Resultat: Det gör skillnad vilka ord vi använder och hur. Ord är makt och avslöjar normer i samhället. / Purpose: Our purpose with this study has been to analyze the debate regarding the attempt to ban Tintin in the Congos in 2012. With the starting-point being the argument made that children have to be protected from literature that is considered to be controversial, we’ve been interested in seeing how the nuances of the debate have been shaped by the use of arguments and language by those participating in the debate. Theoretical points of departure: Agenda setting theory, Framing theory Objectives and focus: The study has the following questions In what way is the debate surrounding Tintin in the Congos, censorship and children’s ability to handle literature considered controversial of interest in understanding how we use language to communicate? Who are the ones taking part in the debate regarding the ban of Tintin in the Congos? What are their arguments? What are some common themes presented in books aimed towards children between the ages of 6-9 2017?   Method: To answer our questions, we have analyzed our material through text analysis. Material: We have for our questions analyzed articles. They have been selected both from the newspapers Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet as well as from the evening newspapers Aftonbladet and Expressen. Result: Your words matter. It matters how and when we use them. Words are an expression of power and reveals the norms of society.

The thesis deals with self-censorship on the biggest online social network Facebook. The main purpose was to determine the reasons for using self-censorship on Facebook. Qualitative research was elaborated with usage of semi structured interview focused on virtual world of active Facebook users and on deeper examination of it. Theoretical part describes concepts and ideas related to the theme of the thesis. The methodological part describes in detail the qualitative research and it's requirements. The analytical part deals with the research itself, analysis of transcribed interviews and with the rules designed by researcher for safe use of Facebook by children. The researcher has decided to set the rules from the findings determined during the creation of the thesis. The self-censorship is the key to the safe behavior on Facebook. Every user of this social network has to learn how to distinguish, what could be placed there and what shouldn't.

English abstract The use of propaganda and methods of governing and regulation of the regional press in Czechoslovakia during 1948-1956 (using the example of the guidelines of KV and OV KSČ and the region around Liberec) The presented study follows the development of censorship and the methods of media and press control in Czechoslovakia from 1948 to1953, and in particular during 1956. This study focuses mainly on the methods and processes used by the Czechoslovak Communist Party to dominate the media and how it concentrated namely on the relationship between local and regional media and the centralized governance under the powerful influence of the Czechoslovak Communist Party. After February of 1948, the mass media in Czechoslovakia took on a different role than the one it had up until that time. Even so, up until 1953, there was no official censorship office and the media fell under the jurisdiction of the Party apparatus, or alternately under the Ministries of Education, Science and Arts or Information, which accordingly managed and influenced media content. However, it was still under the curatorship of the UV Czechoslovak Communist Party, as the following work will show. As will also be shown, after February of 1948 the Communist Party was unable to gain influence over society at various levels and...

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-21T08:59:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fábio Tamizari.pdf: 2395574 bytes, checksum: b02e534bbe3fd1ce66e61da2490ec97a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-21T08:59:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fábio Tamizari.pdf: 2395574 bytes, checksum: b02e534bbe3fd1ce66e61da2490ec97a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-24 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This dissertation aims to research the forms of control exercised by the State Department of Political and Social Order (Deops / SP) on teachers, students and their families around issues related to what we now call Basic Education. It happened from 1964 to 1985. The central thesis is that the repressive policy pursued through Deops has also reached basic education. Documents produced by the repressive organ regarding teachers, students, family members, unions and organisations were searched. Then, identification of its contents and forms. And finally, in the reclassification according to the form of control exercised by Deops. The sources used were reports of undercover agents, communication between law enforcement agencies, communication between Deops and state educational administration bodies, newspaper clippings filed by agents and complaints made to the department. All these documents were collected in the Deops Collection (Public Archive of the State of São Paulo), specifically the Police Order Police series. The theoretical reference is the interpretation of Antonio Gramsci, Edward P. Thompson and Michael W. Apple / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de pesquisa as formas de controle exercidas pelo Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social (Deops/SP) sobre professores, alunos e seus familiares em torno de questões relativas ao que hoje denominamos como Educação Básica. No período entre 1964 a 1985, de Ditadura civil-militar na cidade de São Paulo. A tese central é de que a política repressiva exercida através do Deops também atingiu a Educação Básica. A metodologia utilizada constitui-se na pesquisa de documentos produzidos pelo órgão repressivo a respeito de professores, alunos, familiares, sindicatos e organizações. Em seguida, na identificação de seus conteúdos e formas. E por fim, na reclassificação em função da forma de controle exercida pelo Deops. As fontes utilizadas foram os relatórios de agentes infiltrados, as comunicações entre órgãos de repressão, as comunicações entre o Deops e órgãos da administração educacional do Estado, recortes de jornais arquivados pelos agentes e denúncias feitas ao departamento. Todos estes documentos foram coletados no Acervo Deops (Arquivo Público do Estado de São Paulo), especificamente da série Delegacia de Ordem Política. O referencial teórico é o materialismo histórico pelas interpretações de Antonio Gramsci, Edward P. Thompson e Michael W. Apple

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O interesse desta tese reside na persistência da questão da \"arte brasileira\" na crítica de Frederico Morais (Belo Horizonte, 1936) em três períodos distintos de sua produção, os quais nomeio, de acordo com o comportamento de seu discurso: \"Contestação\" (1966-1973), \"Dúvidas\" (1974-1984) e \"Conciliação\" (1985-2012). Parte-se do fato de que a formulação de um debate em torno da definição do que seria uma \"arte brasileira\" surgiu ainda no século XIX - embora já tivesse se delineado em termos literários no século anterior - e foi se transformando com o passar do tempo, mantendo-se vivo, porque ainda em discussão, durante o século seguinte. Nesse contexto, procurou-se identificar, na produção de Frederico Morais, a sobrevivência da questão do nacional e, ainda, mostrar de que maneira ele se utiliza de uma prática constante de revisão da história - por meio de textos publicados na imprensa, mas também manuais, cronologias e \"enciclopédias\" - para manter essa discussão em pauta. No Capítulo 1 (\"Contestação\") analiso o primeiro período de sua crítica de arte, caracterizado pela adoção de um discurso assertivo e militante, em defesa de uma \"arte brasileira\" como um espaço privilegiado para a experimentação e a resistência. Nessa época, ele apoia incondicionalmente a \"vanguarda brasileira\", movimento que, segundo o autor, estaria sediado no Rio de Janeiro, expandindose a partir da antiga capital para o restante do país. No Capítulo 2 (\"Dúvidas\") trato de sua fase de transição, em que se revela certo desencanto com a situação da vanguarda no Brasil. No Capítulo 3 (\"Conciliação\") abordo o segundo período do crítico, quando se consolida o processo em que Frederico Morais abdica da defesa do \"novo\" enquanto principal saída para a \"arte brasileira\", passando a revisar tanto suas posições como parte significativa da história da arte brasileira. Nesse percurso, seus vai adotando posturas mais conciliatórias, menos intransigentes para o que entende como possibilidades de uma produção artística de caráter brasileiro. Esta tese procurou demonstrar que é possível encontrar ecos do desejo por uma arte nacional em críticas, ensaios e artigos que atravessam as três fases do percurso de Morais. Buscou ainda apontar as contradições e fragilidades que surgiram entre duas posturas distintas do crítico em relação à produção artística do período no país: uma, a escolha pelo que seria \"genuinamente nacional\", aproximando-se de algo que singularizasse a arte produzida no Brasil em relação àquela que se apresentava assertivamente como internacional; outra, colocandose contra o risco do isolamento, do atraso e do descompasso em relação ao mundo, adotava a opção por se deixar levar pelas correntes artísticas que vinham dos Estados Unidos e Europa. / The interest of this thesis lies in the persistence of the question of Brazilian art in the criticism produced by Frederico Morais (Belo Horizonte, 1936) in three distinct periods of his production, which I have named, according to the behavior of his discourse, as \"Contestation\" (1966-1973), \"Doubts\" (1974-1984) and \"Conciliation\" (1985-2012). The starting point resides in the debate formulated around the definition of what Brazilian art is, which emerged in the nineteenth century -- although it had already been delineated in literary terms in the previous century --, a debate that changed over time, kept alive in discussion throughout the following century. In this context, the thesis aims to identify the survival of this question of the national in Morais\' production. It also proposes to show -- through texts published in the press, but also in chronologies, manuals and \"encyclopedias\" -- how he makes constant use of historical revision to keep the discussion relative to Brazilian art on the agenda of public debate. In Chapter 1, I analyze his first period, characterized by the assertive and militant discourse adopted in defense of Brazilian art as a privileged space for experimentation, resistance and, above all, for the avant-garde. In his view, this movement was based in Rio de Janeiro, expanding from the former capital to the rest of the country. In Chapter 2, I deal with his transitional period, which reveals a certain disenchantment with the situation of the avant-garde in Brazilian art. In Chapter 3, I address the critic\'s second period, which consolidates the process in which Morais abdicates the defense of the \"new\" as the principal \"way ahead\" for Brazilian art, and comes to revise not only his positions, but a significant part of the history of the Brazilian art as well. Over the course of time, Morais gradually adopts positions that are less intransigent and more conciliatory regarding what he understands as possibilities for an artistic production with Brazilian character. This thesis has attempted to demonstrate the possibility of finding echoes of this desire for a national art in criticism, essays and articles that intersect the three phases in the trajectory of Frederico Morais. It has also sought to indicate the contradictions and fragilities that emerged between two distinct stances adopted by the critic in relation to the period\'s artistic production: the option for what could be considered \"genuinely national\", making advances in the direction of something that would singularize it in relation to an art that presents itself assertively as international; or the option to counter the danger of isolation, backwardness and being out-of-step with the world, by choosing to be carried along by the artistic currents imported from the United States and Europe.

A la déclaration de guerre en septembre 1939, la censure est rétablie sous le contrôle des militaires pour empêcher les critiques de la politique du gouvernement et encadrer les informations militaires. Les bureaux de la censure s'installent à Pau et contrôlent la presse départementale. Après l'armistice, la censure passe aux mains des civils et se structure dans le cadre d'une organisation régionale, dépendant d'une censure centrale à Vichy. En novembre 1941, la nomination à Pau d'Henri Peyre durcit le contrôle de presse. Les conflits se multiplient avec les trois quotidiens : Le Patriote, l'Indépendant et France Pyrénées. Le censeur transforme ses services en une officine de propagande et de délation. Il surveille de très près la vie publique et culturelle avec beaucoup de zèle. A la Libération, les journaux palois passent en jugement et disparaissent, le censeur est condamné à dix ans de travaux forcés. / Following the declaration of war in September 1939, censorship is reestablished under the control of military forces to prevent people from criticizing the government’s policy and to regulate the communication of military information. Censorship offices settle down in Pau and check the departmental press. After the armistice is signed, censorship falls into the hands of civilians and forms itself under a regional organization which depends on the central censorship office in Vichy. In November 1941, when Henri Peyre is nominated in Pau, measures to monitor the press are strengthened. There are increasing numbers of conflicts involving the three daily newspapers: Le Patriote, l'Indépendant and France Pyrénées. The censor transforms his services into a propaganda and informing outlet. He closely monitors the public and cultural life with great zeal. After the liberation, newspapers in Pau stand trial and disappear. The censor, in turn, is sentenced to ten years of forced labour.

Chico Buarque de Hollanda, um dos mais influentes representantes da música popular brasileira durante a sua carreira de mais que quarenta anos, muitas vezes foi chamado de ”cantor de protesto”. Foi ou não foi? Em 1968, com a letra de Roda-viva (e a peça, onde a música foi incluído) Chico tornou-se mais crítico com a ditadura militar e a situação no Brasil, mas já houve sugestões de crítica nas suas letras antes? Analisando algumas letras típicos dos primeiros anos da sua carreira, este trabalho tentará mostrar que a obra inicial do Chico Buarque não foi conscientemente política.

Les années de dictature militaire (1973-1984) furent paradoxalement la période la plus importante dans l’histoire de la Cinémathèque Uruguayenne. En ces temps obscurs l'institution s’est forgé une réputation au niveau local et international sur la base d’un travail culturel indépendant. Malgré les circonstances répressives propres au régime, le public de la cinémathèque a montré des signes de vie publique et a participé activement à la création d'un espace symbolique de résistance. En ce sens, pendant la période de dictature, la Cinémathèque Uruguayenne va s’inscrire en tant qu’institution de médiation, comme un « nouveau » acteur culturel qui émerge dans des circonstances critiques particulières, pour assumer un rôle que ne l’avait pas été réservé jusqu'à ce moment-là. Ainsi, nous croyons que dans le contexte latino-américain des années 1960-70, le cinéma s’est transformé, suivant l’expression de Pierre Sorlin, en un « lieu de conflits » L’objectif principal de ce travail consiste donc en décrire, à travers le témoignage des abonnés qui assistaient aux séances programmées par l’institution tout au long de la période de dictature, le lieu social où se déroulait la réception. A la suite de l’approche historique des études de réception développée par la théoricienne américaine Janet Staiger, nous nous proposons de comprendre l’influence du contexte dans les formes de réception cinématographiques et de discerner les mécanismes à travers lesquels le public s’est approprié le cinéma comme un « espace de résistance culturelle », appellation que recevait la Cinémathèque à l’époque. / The years of military dictatorship (1973 – 1984) ironically turned into the most important period in the history of Uruguayan Cinematheque. Based on an independent cultural work, back in those dark times, the institution was able to consolidate a task acknowledged both locally as well as internationally. Despite the repressive circumstances of the regime, the public of the institution showed signs of a public life and actively participated in the creation of a symbolic space for the resistance. As a cultural mediation institution, the Cinematheque so appeared as a "new" actor emerging in specific critical circumstances to assume a role that it did not have in store until then. In this way, we believe that in the 70s and 80s Latin American context, cinema transformed into a “place of conflicts” (lieu de conflits), following Pierre Sorlin’s expression. The main objective of this work is to describe – through the testimony of the spectators who attended the films programmed by the institution during the dictatorship period – the social place where the reception occurred. Following the historical focus of the reception developed by American theorist Janet Staiger, we intend to understand the influence of the sociopolitical context in the ways of cinematographic reception and to discern the mechanisms whereby the public got hold of the cinema as a “cultural resistance space”, name given to Uruguayan Cinematheque back then. / Los años de dictadura militar (1973-1984) se transformaron, paradójicamente, en el período más importante de la historia de la Cinemateca Uruguaya. En base a un trabajo cultural independiente, en esos tiempos oscuros, la institución supo consolidar una tarea reconocida tanto a nivel local como a nivel internacional. A pesar de las circunstancias represivas del régimen, el público de la Cinemateca mostró signos de vida pública y participó activamente en la creación de un espacio simbólico de la resistencia. Como institución de mediación cultural, la Cinemateca apareció así como un "nuevo" actor, que emergía en circunstancias críticas específicas para asumir un papel que no tenía reservado hasta entonces. De esta manera, creemos que en el contexto latinoamericano de los años 1970 a 1980, el cine se transformó, siguiendo la expresión de Sorlin, en un "lugar de conflictos." El objetivo principal de este trabajo es describir - a través del testimonio de los socios que asistieron a las funciones programadas por la institución durante el período de dictadura - el lugar social donde se desarrollaba la recepción. Siguiendo el enfoque histórico de la recepción desarrollado por la historiadora norteamericana Janet Staiger, nos proponemos entender la influencia del contexto socio-político en las formas de recepción cinematográfica y discernir los mecanismos mediante los cuales el público se apropió del cine como un “espacio de resistencia cultural”, apelativo que recibía la Cinemateca Uruguaya en aquel momento.