Neste trabalho procuramos compreender as razões que levaram a elaboração da Política Nacional de Cultura no período do governo Geisel. Procuramos, também, esclarecer sua relação com a Doutrina da Ação Política da Escola Superior de Guerra. Nele procuramos explicitar e entender o contexto histórico em que tal política pública foi adotada, suas relações com a estratégia política mais ampla que o governo procurava implementar, ou seja, com o processo de abertura política. Desta forma, procuramos relacionar o lançamento do programa com o momento político, econômico e social que vivia o país. Procuramos também apreender os objetivos da Política Nacional de Cultura, relacionando-a com a Doutrina da Escola Superior de Guerra, que se caracteriza por ser um projeto nacional para o desenvolvimento do Brasil nos moldes defendidos pelas Forças Armadas. / In this work we tried to understand the reasons that took the elaboration of the National Politics of Culture in the government’s period Geisel. We sought also to clear your relationship with the Doctrine of the Political Action of the Superior School of War. In him we sought and to understand the historical context in that such a public politics was adopted, your relationships with the strategic wider politics than the government tried to implement, in other words, with the process of political opening. This way, we tried to relate the release of the program with the political moment, economic and social that the country lived. We also tried to apprehend the objectives of the National Politics of Culture, relating it with the Doctrine of the Superior School of War, that is characterized by being a national project for the development of Brazil in the protected molds for the armed forces.

À mi-chemin entre un café, un jardin d’agrément, un bal et une scène théâtrale, les cafés-concerts et les music-halls représentent les divertissements les plus importants du XIXe siècle. Espaces spectaculaires qui accueillent des sociabilités hétérogènes et qui combinent une double fonction artistique et festive, l’identité socioculturelle de ces nouveaux loisirs s’est d’abord élaborée par opposition au statut du lieu d’art. Le postulat de la rareté des répertoires et des artistes issus des cafés-concerts et des music-halls dans l’historiographie des arts scéniques, et dans la transmission des savoirs en danse, nous a conduits à enquêter sur les raisons et les enjeux de cette mise à l’écart. « Lieux dangereux et vulgaires », « spectacles immoraux », « artistes insipides », sont les expressions symptomatiques d’une perception négative fondée sur un ensemble idéologique qui concourt à dessiner les contours d’une illégitimité culturelle. Une première étape de la recherche vise à analyser les principes de distinction sociale et de hiérarchisation artistique en œuvre dans le processus de délégitimation des cafés-concerts et des music-halls, en puisant dans les sources produites par les institutions en charge du contrôle des spectacles au XIXe siècle. Catégorisés en tant qu’objets populaires, les arguments déployés par les instances administratives et la police des théâtres révèlent en premier lieu le fondement d’une idéologie de classe, focalisée sur les origines prétendues populaires de ces divertissements. Entre le Second Empire et la Troisième République, l’histoire des cafés-concerts et des music-halls est traversée par un phénomène de féminisation qui bouleverse les pratiques et les représentations associées à ces espaces et participe à resémantiser leurs premières attributions sociales et symboliques. La seconde phase de ce travail s’intéresse aux effets d’un processus qui interagit sur les plans socioculturel, professionnel et symbolique par une présence féminine érotisée et qui tend à bâtir la catégorie du divertissement comme appartenant au genre féminin. Afin d’interroger les échanges entre altérités féminines et corporéités populaires sur les scènes des cafés-concerts et des music-halls durant la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, la thèse mobilise deux catégories d’artistes féminines — les effeuilleuses et les danseuses de chahut-cancan — réunies autour d’un geste scénique et érotique commun : le déshabillage. L’étude de ce geste ouvre un troisième champ de questionnements sur les rapports entre l’érotique et l’illégitime dans les pratiques professionnelles de femmes qui exercent un métier artistique au sein d’un lieu spectaculaire à la fois déconsidéré et hautement érotisé. À travers les différentes étapes qui jalonnent cette recherche, la réflexion cherche à rendre compte de l’impact du déshabillage érotique sur la sensibilité d’une époque, sur le statut social des femmes, mais également sur les mouvements internes de professionnalisation des artistes de café-concert et de music-hall au XIXe siècle, et plus globalement, sur l’héritage historiographique de ces divertissements. / Halfway between a café, a pleasure garden, a ball and a theatrical stage, café-concert and music hall are the main entertainment places in the 19th century. Spectacular spaces that welcome heterogeneous sociability and combine a dual artistic and festive function, the socio-cultural identity of these new leisure activities was first developed as opposed to the status of the art place. The postulate of the rarity of repertoires and artists from café-concert and music hall in the historiography of performing arts, and in the transmission of knowledge in dance, has led us to investigate the reasons of this exclusion and the issues at stake. "Dangerous and vulgar places", "immoral performances", "insipid artists", are symptomatic expressions of a negative perception based on an ideological set that contributes to drawing the contours of cultural illegitimacy. The first stage of the research consists in analysing the principles of social distinction and artistic hierarchy in the process of delegitimization of café-concert and music hall, based on the sources from the institutions responsible for controlling 19th century performances. Categorized as popular objects, the arguments put forward by the administrative authorities and the theatre police reveal first and foremost the basis of a class ideology, focused on the supposedly popular origins of these entertainments. Between the Second Empire and the Third Republic, the history of café-concert and music hall was marked by a phenomenon of feminization that disrupted the practices and representations associated with these places and helped to redefine their first social and symbolic attributions. The second stage of this work focuses on the effects of a process that interacts socioculturally, professionally and symbolically through an eroticized female presence, and that tends to build the entertainment category as belonging to the female gender. In order to question the exchanges between female otherness and popular corporealities on the stages of café-concert and music hall during the second half of the 19th century, the thesis focuses on two categories of female artists — the effeuilleuse (strippers) and the chahut-cancan dancers — gathered around a common scenic and erotic gesture: undressing.

Au Liban, les identités politiques jouent un rôle important et sont souvent liées aux identités religieuses. Le pays a été le lieu d’un brassage d’une multitude de civilisations et de cultures, et est aussi un espace de tensions politiques et religieuses. D’un point de vue méthodologique, cette thèse se fonde sur la lecture et l’analyse de la presse et des médias, de la littérature d’autres expressions artistiques. Dans une première partie, la thèse se concentre sur le cadre et la problématique de la thèse. On présente les différents partis politiques libanais, leurs idéologies, leur relation au pouvoir et leur histoire, en particulier à la suite des accords de Taëf (1989). Les institutions politiques et les pratiques politiques libanaises, ainsi que les formes d’engagement, sont aussi étudiées. De même, dans cette partie, la thèse étudie le rôle politique important des grandes familles libanaises, et elle s’attache au charisme des acteurs politiques libanais. La deuxième partie concerne le lien entre les identités politiques et les identités religieuses dans l’espace public libanais. Elle étudie les rapports entre la religion et la politique au Liban, ainsi que les implications religieuses des guerres. Enfin, cette partie analyse la répartition géographique de l’ancrage des identités religieuses et politiques dans le pays. Dans un troisième temps, la thèse fait porter l’analyse sur les expressions des identités politiques. Elle propose une approche de la représentation des identités politiques dans les médias, dans la fiction (cinéma, littérature, etc), dans la chanson et dans les arts plastiques.Enfin, la dernière partie se concentre sur la censure, importante au Liban, compte tenu de la multiplicité des pouvoirs, aussi bien politiques que religieux, qui s’exercent sur la communication. D’une part, il s’agit des différents types de censure et des formes qu’elle peut prendre (censure politique, censure religieuse, censure des programmes d’enseignement, censure des pratiques sociales quotidiennes, et autocensure), et d’autre part, il s’agit des processus de décision qui conduisent à la censure. Cette partie présente aussi les formes de résistance à la censure. / The Lebanese political identities have often been linked to the existing religious identities. Lebanon has known in fact a number of civilizations and cultures, and has continuously been a place of political and religious tensions.From a methodological point of view, this thesis is based on readings and analysis of the press and the media, in addition to the literature of different artistic expressions. In the first section, the thesis focuses on the problematic. We present the multiple Lebanese political parties, their ideologies, their relationship with power and their history, especially after the Taef agreement (1989). We also study the political institutions and the political practices in Lebanon, as well as the multiple forms of political engagement. The thesis also tackles the important role of the traditional Lebanese families and the charisma of politicians. In the second section, we study the link between the political identities and the religious identities in the Lebanese public space. It focuses on the different kinds of relations that bound those two identities, in addition to the religious implications of wars. Also, this section analyses the geographical distribution of the political and religious identities in the country.In section number three, the thesis highlights the expressions of the political identities. It suggests an approach to the representation of these political identities in the media, in the fiction (literature, cinema, etc), in the songs and in fine arts. Finally, the last section focuses on the censorship, important concept in Lebanon, in the presence of a number of political and religious powers that influence the process of communication. We will define censorship, and focus on different kinds of censorship (political censorship, religious censorship, invisible censorship). We will also highlight the procedures and laws that lead to censorship, and the different ways followed by journalists and artists to face it.

西元2010年Google不滿中國對於網際網路之審查規範，因而宣布退出中國網際網路搜尋引擎市場之營運，Google認為中國網際網路之審查規範已影響自由貿易，並於同年（2010年）發表白皮書，強調政府管制網路資訊的行為會影響貿易，於附件中討論WTO服務貿易總協定應如何適用於政府限制網路資訊之措施。Google冀望美國能將此爭議訴諸於世界貿易組織之爭端解決機構；而美國貿易代表署也受Google之呼籲，著手研究將中國網路審查措施，向世界貿易組織提出爭端案件之可能。 為了解本爭端若訴諸WTO爭端解決，美國勝訴之可能性，以及預測中國是否可能因Google案件而被迫調整其網路管制以符合WTO規範，本文討論重心將從WTO服務貿易總協定規範之角度探討Google所指摘之中國對於網際網路搜尋引擎服務之管制。

<p>Chico Buarque de Hollanda, um dos mais influentes representantes da música popular brasileira durante a sua carreira de mais que quarenta anos, muitas vezes foi chamado de ”cantor de protesto”. Foi ou não foi? Em 1968, com a letra de Roda-viva (e a peça, onde a música foi incluído) Chico tornou-se mais crítico com a ditadura militar e a situação no Brasil, mas já houve sugestões de crítica nas suas letras antes? Analisando algumas letras típicos dos primeiros anos da sua carreira, este trabalho tentará mostrar que a obra inicial do Chico Buarque não foi conscientemente política.</p>

La rassettatura del Decameron compiuta da Salviati nel 1582 è stata oggetto di dure critiche fin dal Settecento (tra i primi critici ad inizio Ottocento è da ricordare Ugo Foscolo): il grammatico fiorentino è sostanzialmente considerato un ‘pubblico assassino di Boccaccio’ che ha trasformato il capolavoro narrativo della letteratura delle origini in un moralistico elenco di vizi da punire e di virtù da ammirare. Senza ovviamente negare la pesantezza dell’intervento censorio di Salviati (soprattutto per gli occhi di noi moderni), tuttavia l’analisi linguistica e filologica che si presenta in questa tesi di ricerca mostra come il vero intento di Salviati sia quello di salvare più testo possibile del Decameron e anzi di ripristinarne la corretta lezione dopo l’azione grossolana di tanti editori (soprattutto veneziani) della prima metà del 500. Oltre a questo recupero della lingua perfetta del XIV secolo, Salviati, sulla linea delle lezioni di Varchi e Borghini, ha anche inteso riporre al centro dell’italiano la supremazia della favella fiorentina anche nella sua versione moderna da lui spesso considerata come il cosciente completamento di quella del Trecento. / Salviati’s rassettatura of the Decameron has been often considered by many critics only a censorship which thoroughly ‘kills’ Boccaccio and his masterpiece. What is nevertheless evident in this research is that Salviati wants, even if he was bound to a brutal censorship, to restore the true version of the Decameron both from the philological point of view and from the linguistic one. In particular Salviati wants to regain the supremacy on Italian language for Florence after Bembo and his Prose della volgar lingua (1525). The research is the result of a systematic and complete collation between Salviati’s Decameron and the sources which Salviati used: Borghini’s rassettatura, Mannelli codex, the first printed edition (the so called Deo Gratias), and the florentine edition of the 1527. From this collation and from the phonetic, morphologal and syntactical analysis of all the variants and in particular of Salviati’s choices it comes out Salviati’s true will which is twofold: first of all he wants to restore the language of the 14th century (the Mannelli codex), a perfect and sweet language, then he also wants to underline the supremacy of modern Florentines, true and only heirs of Dante, Petrarch and Boccaccio’s language and culture.

War news and public relations (PR) was a critical consideration for the Canadian Army during the Second World War. The Canadian Army developed its PR apparatus from nothing to an efficient publicity machine by war’s end, despite a series of growing pains. Canadian Military Headquarters in London appointed the first PR Officer, William Abel, in January 1940. PR services overseas grew along with the size of the army. The early days were marked by lack of coordination and often jurisdictional and personality conflicts between Abel and the other PR Officers and organizations. The 19 August 1942 Dieppe raid was the low point for both the accuracy of war news and Canadian PR involvement because Lord Mountbatten’s Combined Operations Headquarters minimized Canadian PR’s involvement in planning. This resulted in early portrayals of the raid as successful and the British censored a more honest explanation by the Canadian Army. The Sicilian and Italian campaigns provided a learning experience for the PR units. In Sicily, the news coverage of the Canadians was a public success, but PR had trouble with their allies in gaining national recognition and representation. Additionally, the question of correspondents’ priorities and delays getting to the front and transportation difficulties angered the press. Many of these problems continued in Italy until the appointment of Richard Malone, who enjoyed support from the politicians, press, and military. Applying the Mediterranean experience and participating in Allied publicity planning contributed to the excellence of Canadian PR during the Northwest Europe Campaign. PR maintained the confidence of the press while still controlling the correspondents. The army also largely overcame the temptation to censor bad news although this sometimes embarrassed Ottawa. Allied regulations sanitized war news preventing the reporting of the more disturbing aspects of war. Through censorship, the army exercised a great deal of control over the news media, yet this hegemony was incomplete because of need to keep the press friendly. Although a large sceptical minority remained, most Canadians considered their war news to be accurate. In sum, Canadian Army PR was generally successful, portraying the army positively and attracting media coverage.

My thesis examines how metaphors of globalization shape the global governance of the Internet. I consider how, in a short span of time, discussions of the Internet’s globalizing potential have gone from the optimism of the global village to the penchant of the global marketplace to the anxiety of the global war on terror. Building upon Rorty’s theory of metaphors and Foucault’s notion of productive power, I investigate how the shifts in these prevailing metaphors have produced and legitimated different frameworks of global governance. In considering how these patterns of governance have been shaped in the context of a familiar example of globalization, I demonstrate that globalization has an important discursive dimension that works as a constitutive force – not only in Internet governance, but in global governance more generally. By illuminating globalization’s discursive dimensions, this thesis makes an original theoretical contribution to the study of globalization and global governance. It demonstrates that globalization is more than a set of empirical flows: equally important, globalization exists as a set of discourses that reconstitute political legitimacy in more ‘global’ terms. This recasts the conventional understanding of global governance: rather than a response to the challenges posed by the empirical transcendence of territorial borders or the visible proliferation of non-state actors, the aims, institutions and policies of global governance are shaped and enabled by discourses of globalization, and evolve as these discourses change. In short, this thesis provides further insight into globalization’s transformations of state-based political order. It links these transformations to the discursive processes by which systems of global governance are produced and legitimated as sites of power and authority.

While journalistic ethics exists in the Untied States today, it works primarily to address dilemmas in the profession, as opposed to working to comprehensively understand journalism in relation to its public duties. This role in United States journalism is not only misunderstood by the majority of journalists working in the media industry, it is also misunderstood by the public. This misinterpretation is directly linked to the concepts of cultural separation between the 'natural' laws that run the market place and those things in society that influence everything else. In this sense, journalism has become an industry working in the market place. Essentially, the product of completely corporatising the media industry has created a gap between the role of journalism in a democratic society and the current state of journalism in the United States. That said, the relationship between the media and democracy can be traced back through the history of United States democracy and the subsequent history of journalism as a profession that was an essential part to keeping the public sphere of democratic debate healthy. A section of journalists, public journalists, currently attempt to heed the public responsibility needed to create this space for democratic debate. However, these journalists, though earnest in their pursuit to rebuild the type of journalism needed to create this democratic sphere, cannot reach the masses effectively without more funding and more autonomy. Likewise, the public broadcast station (PBS) in the United States could be enhanced in many ways with more funding and more autonomy. Such funding and autonomy for media in the United States could come from a tax-payer funded public broadcast station. And though not all media need to bear the responsibility of journalism focused on public life and politics, a section of the mass media should commit itself to creating a sphere to enhance democratic debate. This thesis explores the necessity of a government funded mass media source in the United States. Given that United States media and democracy are inherently linked, as I will aim to show through the development of democratic history and the development of liberal democracy in the United States today, the ethical need for a media source that can fulfil its democratic duties.

Le poète arménien Yéghiché Tcharents (1897-1937) devient victime des répressions staliniennes des années 30. Tcharents est déjà un poète connu lorsque la révolution éclate en Russie. Il voit dans la révolution le sauveur de son peuple au destin tragique. Il croit aux idéaux humanistes de Lénine comme beaucoup de ses contemporains. Cependant, le pouvoir totalitaire de Staline change son regard politique. Sa poésie reflète ses inquiétudes. En 1933, le recueil de poèmes Livre du chemin, un compte-rendu de sa vision poétique de la construction de la nouvelle société, ainsi que de l’éducation de l’homme soviétique, est censuré. Il est publié à nouveau avec des modifications. Tcharents, le poète de tous les combats, ne parvient pas à cacher son désaccord, sa désillusion vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique. Il témoigne à travers sa poésie. Le système répressif ne le laisse plus en paix. Il est inculpé comme contre-révolutionnaire, trotskiste, nationaliste, terroriste. En juillet 1936, il est assigné à résidence. La poésie demeure l’unique espace où il pense et écrit librement. Malade et conscient de l’imminence de sa mort, il survit grâce à sa poésie, dans son univers de visions. L’argumentation de la thèse est construite sur l’analyse littéraire des textes du corpus : le Livre du chemin et les textes poétiques de 1935 à 1937 de Tcharents. Une étude concise du contexte historico-politique de sa poésie et une analyse littéraire de son œuvre avant 1933 sont aussi proposées, permettant de mieux percevoir la complexité des relations entre le poète-individu et son époque, et enfin, de réunir tous les éléments nécessaires de traduction faisant partie de l’objectif de cette étude doctorale. / The Armenian poet Yeghishe Charents (1897-1937) becomes victim of Stalin’s repressions in the Thirties. Charents is already known as a poet when the revolution bursts in Russia. He sees in the revolution the saver of his people with the tragic destiny. Like many of his contemporaries he believes in the humanistic ideals of Lenin. However, the totalitarian power of Stalin changes his political views. His poetry reflects his concerns. In 1933, the collection of poems Book of the way, a report of his poetic vision of the new society, as well as the education of the Soviet man, is censored. It is published with changes. Charents, the poet actively involved in a number of social issues, cannot hide his dissension and disillusion with respect to the political power. He bespeaks through his poetry. The repressive system does not leave him any more in peace. He is accused of being a contra-revolutionist, trotskyist, nationalist, terrorist. In July 1936, he is put under house arrest. Poetry remains the sole space where he thinks and writes freely. Ill and aware of the imminence of his death, he survives in his universe of visions thanks to his poetry.The argumentation of this doctoral thesis is built on the literary analysis of the texts in the corpus: the Book of the way and the poetic texts of 1935 to 1937. A concise study of the historical-political context of his poetry and a literary analysis of his work before 1933 are also proposed. This allows to better perceive the complexity of the relations between the poet-individual and his time and, finally joins all the elements necessary for the translation, which is an objective of this doctoral study.