Dans la Mise en scène de la vie quotidienne (1956), Erving Goffman fait ressortir que, dans la sphère « hors ligne », l’individu se produit quotidiennement sur différentes « scènes » identitaires, en fonction de différents « public ». En fonction des contextes, l’acteur choisit de se présenter sous un « masque social » approprié, selon qu’il se trouve, par exemple, avec ses parents, avec ses amis, avec son « crush » ou face à son employeur. Or, sur Instagram, l’utilisateur doit composer avec le mélange de ses différents « publics », sur une unique « scène » identitaire : son compte principal. Les individus issus de la génération Z en tant que « digital natives » sont très actifs dans la construction de leur identité numérique, si bien qu’ils ont parfois du mal à distinguer les limites entre la sphère réelle et la sphère virtuelle. D’autre part, ces jeunes adultes se trouvent à une étape charnière de leur vie, pris entre plusieurs préoccupations : trouver l’amour, assurer leur avenir professionnel, satisfaire leurs parents, marquer leur appartenance à un groupe de pairs… L’objectif de ce mémoire consiste à mieux comprendre la façon dont les individus issus de la génération Z organisent leur présentation de soi sur Instagram. Pour ce faire, douze utilisateurs issus de la génération Z, actifs sur le réseau social Instagram ont été interrogés. Les résultats de la recherche montrent que, en réaction aux différentes attentes qui pèsent sur eux, les jeunes utilisateurs développent sur leur compte principal une présentation de soi marquée par la recherche de neutralité, un profil Instagram « vitrine », une « façade » aseptisée qui satisfait les différents publics présents parmi leurs abonnés. Ce compte principal constitue la face « émergée » de l’identité sur Instagram. Mais, comme le suggère la métaphore tirée de l’iceberg, à travers d’autres fonctionnalités, sur Instagram, les utilisateurs développent, en parallèle de leurs contenus « grand public » et à l’abri de certains regards inquisiteurs, une identité « underground », qui correspond la face « immergée » de leur identité sur Instagram. Par le biais de leurs stories « amis proches » d’abord, puis, dans un détournement d’usage, via un compte secondaire (dit « Finstagram »), les jeunes utilisateurs revêtent un « masque social » bien différent du premier. La validation de leur identité n’étant plus une priorité sur cette scène « cachée », dans les « coulisses » de leur présentation de soi, les utilisateurs ne craignent plus d’exprimer leurs opinions, de se présenter sous le prisme de l’auto-dérision ou même d’exposer des pratiques socialement dévalorisées. Ce mémoire constitue une première étude qualitative de l’organisation de la présentation de soi par les utilisateurs issus de la génération Z sur Instagram. / In The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1956), Erving Goffman highlights that in the “offline” sphere, the individual performs daily on different identity “stages” according to different “audiences.” The actor selects the appropriate “social mask” based on the context and the presence of certain “audience” members such as his parents, friends, “crush,” or employer. However, on Instagram, the user must perform for a mixture of different “audiences” on a single identity “stage”: his main account. As “digital natives,” individuals from Generation Z are highly active in constructing their online personas, to the point that they may sometimes have difficulty distinguishing the boundaries between real and online worlds. On the other hand, these young adults are at a pivotal stage of their lives where they are caught between various concerns: finding love, ensuring their professional future, meeting parental expectations, establishing their sense of belonging in a group of peers… The objective of this thesis is to better understand the way individuals from Generation Z organize their self-presentation on Instagram. To pursue this goal, we interviewed twelve users from Generation Z who are active on the Instagram. The results of this research show that in response to the various expectations weighing on them, young users developed a self-presentation on their primary Instagram account that emphasized neutrality. This account serves as a “showcase” profile and a sanitized “façade” that intends to satisfy the various audience members among their followers. It constitutes the “emerged” facet of identity on Instagram. However, as the iceberg metaphor suggests, users utilized other features on Instagram to develop an “underground” or “submerged” identity visible only to a select few alongside their “mainstream” content. First, through “close friends” stories, then, in a reconfiguration of Instagram features, through a secondary account (known as a “finstagram”), young users adopted a “social mask” very different from the one on their primary account. Since the validation of their identity is no longer a priority on this “hidden” stage, in the “backstage” of their self-presentation, users are no longer afraid to express their opinions, present themselves through the lens of self-deprecation or even expose socially stigmatized activity. This thesis constitutes a first qualitative study about the organization of self-presentation by users from Generation Z on Instagram.

The subject of non-theatrical films is an understudied topic in archival science. This paper shows how the different approaches to censorship measures that were in play during the 1920s have affected the archiving of non-theatrical films. In the advent of technical and artistic advancement of the film medium, non-theatrical film production had become a prolific business in both the USA and Sweden during the 1920s. At this point in time, filmmaking had become sophisticated enough to tackle more ambitious narratives, while non-fiction filmmaking was still in its gestational period before the 1930s when documentary filmmaking started to be regarded as an art form. As two major film nations of the 1920s, American and Swedish lobbying groups had different views on censorship legislation. In 1911, Sweden founded the first federal censorship bureau in the world, Statens biografbyrå. In America on the other hand, the National Board of Review vehemently opposed any federal attempts to legislate the contents of film. Instead, the National Board of Review implemented a different tactic to sanitize film by incentivizing high quality filmmaking through different strategies that were based on film producers’ voluntary cooperation. Through comparative critical discourse analysis of two case studies, this study found that the archival findings from Tullbergs film and Baumer films were symptomatic of being created during the evidence paradigm, as defined by Terry Cook, where the most useful documentation could be found in state institutions exerting control over film.

This thesis explores the role of Chinese historical digital games in reconstructing historical narratives and engaging players. By using narrative interviews and game analysis, the study examines how players interact with these games and how game communities react to them. The emotional attachment of players to historical elements in these games is identified, which can lead to harmful disputes, but also foster tolerance, empathy, and inspiration. The study reveals the potential of historical digital games to encourage civic responsibility and reflection on social issues, but also highlights the challenges posed by restricted artistic expression and game content censorship in China. The research concludes that historical digital games can serve as a unique form of historical narrative that not only ensures the survival of history in popular culture but also fosters a more ideal and attractive future. The study calls for further research on specific games to fully understand the potential of Chinese historical digital games in promoting critical thinking and civic responsibility.

Violence against women journalists is increasing all over the world, especially online, and previous research shows that journalists develop different strategies to avoid harassment. Costa Rica is the country in Latin America that has the highest level of press freedom but that does not mean that harassment is non-existing. However, there is little research to be found on how the work of women journalists in Costa Rica is affected by harassment and which strategies they use to avoid it. Through nine semi- structured qualitative interviews with women journalists in Costa Rica, this Minor Field Study examines how the work of women journalists in Costa Rica is affected by harassment, threats, digital attacks, and physical violence. The interviews reveal that harassment against female journalists in Costa Rica occur today, and during the journalists’ careers they have experienced online violence, physical violence, sexual harassment and pressure. The harassment comes from bosses, colleagues, sources, trolls, the audience, and the government. The journalists develop strategies like self- censorship, changing occupations and avoiding being alone with bosses and sources. Some also block people and comments on social media, confront the harasser or try to ignore the harassment. Harassment does also affect the journalists’ feelings in a negative way and many women state that the harassment affects their journalistic work. The reasons for why they think they are exposed are because they are women, the macho culture in Costa Rica, and because of the president. The topics and the news media outlet also have an impact. Most of the participants feel like harassment is worse today than what it has been, even though there are more laws today. The results are discussed in relation to the theories Gender in the newsroom, The chilling effect, Affective Events Theory and Intersectionality. To summarize, harassment against women journalists in Costa Rica do affect their daily journalistic work.

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