Este trabalho estuda a censura da peça e das canções de Calabar: o elogio da traição, de Chico Buarque e Ruy Guerra, ocorrida entre 1973 e 1980, durante o regime militar. A partir dos documentos armazenados no Arquivo Nacional, em Brasília, referentes ao acervo da Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas (DCDP) – subordinada ao Departamento de Polícia Federal (DPF) e responsável pela censura de peças teatrais, canções e filmes –, é possível recuperar a história dessa obra nos bastidores dos órgãos repressores. Com a análise dos papéis relacionados ao texto teatral e às canções, juntamente com o exame do LP lançado por Chico em 1973, Chico Canta, observamos que a DCDP fez cortes ao script e a algumas canções, além de proibir a gravação de outras músicas. Apesar dessas determinações, a Divisão emitiu o certificado liberatório para a encenação em 16 de maio de 1973, permitindoa ao público maior de idade. Entretanto, em 15 de janeiro de 1974, a montagem foi proibida em todo o território nacional pelo DPF. Meses antes do veto, o DPF avocara o script para reexame impedindo a estreia do espetáculo. Assim, Calabar ganhou os palcos somente em 1980, após o estabelecimento do Conselho Superior de Censura (CSC), composto por quinze membros – provenientes do governo e da sociedade – com objetivo de rever os vetos proferidos pela ditadura. O CSC avaliou o percurso da peça na censura e concluiu que o veto do DPF não seguiu a recomendação de liberação da DCDP. Por meio do estudo desse e de outros documentos, verificamos que os censores avaliavam tanto o conteúdo político quanto o moral. Percebemos, inclusive, casos em que os profissionais do veto identificaram o teor de crítica política do texto ou das canções, mas optaram pela liberação. Em algumas músicas, provavelmente, por considerar a crítica política sutil e de difícil compreensão pelo público. No caso da encenação, por preferirem esperar o ensaio geral para avaliar a montagem da cena e, se julgassem necessário, proferirem novos cortes. O trabalho visa compreender por que Chico e Ruy buscam um episódio do século XVII para questionar o regime ditatorial vigente e porque Polícia Federal se incomodou tanto com a obra composta pela dupla. / This work presents an analysis of the censorship applied upon both the play itself and the songs that compose Calabar: o elogio da traição (Calabar: the compliment on betrayal, free translation), written by Chico Buarque and Ruy Guerra. The object of this work is the censorship which took place between the years of 1973 and 1980, during Brazil’s military regime. From the documents that were filed in the National Archive, in the city of Brasilia, which former belonged to the Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas’ (DCDP) – an organ linked to the Brazilian Federal Police, in charge of censoring public entertainment such as plays, songs and films – collection, it is possible to reconstruct the history of Calabar from inside the repressive organs. By studying the documents related to the play and its songs, as well as the LP released by Chico Buarque in 1973, Chico Canta (Chico sings, free translation), we could observe that the DCDP removed parts of the script and songs, and prevented the artist from recording some other songs. Furthermore, the DCDP issued a certificate releasing the play on May 16th, 1973, but only allowing people over 18 years of age to attend to it. However, on January 15th, 1974, the play was forbidden in all national territory by the Brazilian Federal Police (DPF). Months before the veto, the DPF asked the script back for reexamination, which prevented the play’s debut. Calabar was staged only in 1980, after the Censorship Council (CSC) was created. The CSC had 15 members – from both the government and the society – and the purpose of reviewing the vetos from the military. They examined the play and concluded that the veto did not follow DCDP’s recommendation for releasing it. After analyzing the documents, we verified that the censors evaluated both the political and moral contents. Remarkably, there were even some cases in which the censors could see the political content within the text or songs, but chose to release them. It is possible that they released some songs because they considered the criticism to be very subtle and difficult for the public to understand. In the case of the play itself, we believe they chose to wait for the dress rehearsal to judge the scene and, if necessary, make further cuts. This work aims to clarify why Chico Buarque and Ruy Guerra resorted to an 18th century episode to question the dictatorial government and why their work bothered so much the Federal Police.

Based on the analysis of the interdependence between the concepts of democracy and the public sphere, this study investigates the reach of the fundamental right to freedom of expression, especially when conducted through media communication and their chances of litigation, distinctively when it occurs by an inhibitory guardianship that forbids the act of communicating. To that end, the procedural conceptions of democracy developed from the mid-twentieth century by Joseph Schumpeter, Norberto Bobbio, Robert Dahl, Boaventura de Souza Santos and Jürgen Habermas are initially addressed. Each conception emphasizes the role of freedom of expression and its relevance to the public sphere formation, whose concept and assumptions displayed in the works of the aforementioned authors are used for establishing the essential conditioning factors to the media democratic setting. Under these parameters, the study explores the constitutional system of freedom of expression and of media and its Supreme Federal Court interpretation through the decision that declared the former press law non-compatible by the Constitution of 1988, covering the latest court decisions that have attributed an absolute tone to freedom of expression according to a vast concept of censorship, eliminating almost completely from judicial consideration the product of media activity through an ultra-liberal argumentative standard that ignores the unequal and concentrated structure of communication freedoms operating instruments. / A partir da análise da interdependência entre os conceitos de democracia e esfera pública, o presente trabalho investiga o alcance do direito fundamental à liberdade de expressão, notadamente quando realizado através dos meios de comunicação de massa, e suas hipóteses de judicialização, principalmente quando esta se dá mediante uma tutela preventiva que interdite o ato de comunicar. Para tanto, inicialmente são abordadas as concepções procedimentais de democracia desenvolvidas a partir de meados do século XX por Joseph Schumpeter, Norberto Bobbio, Robert Dahl, Boaventura de Souza Santos e Jürgen Habermas, sublinhando-se em todas o papel da liberdade de expressão e sua importância para a constituição da esfera pública, cujo conceito e pressupostos apresentados nas obras daquele último são utilizados para a fixação das condicionantes indispensáveis à configuração democrática dos meios de comunicação social. De acordo com esses parâmetros o trabalho explora o regime constitucional da liberdade de expressão e da comunicação social e sua interpretação pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal a partir da decisão que declarou não recepcionada pela Constituição de 1988 a antiga lei de imprensa, abordando as mais recentes decisões da Corte que têm emprestado um caráter absoluto à liberdade de expressão segundo um amplíssimo conceito de censura, ao expurgar quase que por completo da apreciação judicial o produto da atividade midiática através de um padrão argumentativo ultraliberal e que ignora a estrutura desigual e concentrada dos instrumentos de exercício das liberdades comunicativas.

A partir dos processos de censura previa ao teatro contidos no Arquivo Miroel Silveira (AMS), investigaremos a ação censória sobre o texto das pecas liberadas com cortes. Analisaremos os casos em que o veto incidiu sobre trechos censurados construídos com figuras de linguagem, buscando compreender o funcionamento da lógica da censura em seu caráter de interdição. Considerando a tradição clássica da Retórica das Figuras e sua retomada no âmbito da Nova Retórica, bem como a Analise do Discurso de linha francesa, com Oswald Ducrot, podemos entender as figuras de linguagem como produtoras de efeitos de sentido, magnificando pressupostos e subentendidos. Assim, temos como hipótese que o corte do censor age sobre um momento fundamental do texto, no qual se configuram formações discursivas com esmero no recurso de estilo e que, ao mesmo tempo, trabalham a adesão do publico. Nesse sentido, os cortes que incidem sobre as figuras de linguagem nos revelam sobre os conteúdos preferencialmente extirpados e as concepções de mundo vigentes no período determinado, entendendo que as pecas em questão dialogam com sentidos circulando socialmente. Concentramo-nos em pecas teatrais das décadas de 1950 e 1960, procurando variar, em nossa seleção, a autoria das mesmas e também a temática dos trechos censurados. O mecanismo textual que envolve as figuras de linguagem foi aproximado daquele que apresenta conteúdos na forma de um subentendido. Ainda, a ação da censura foi ligada a coincidência que envolve o surgimento de conteúdos numa configuração tripla: figurados, subentendidos e vetados. / Considering the theater plays subject to prior censorship present in the Miroel Silveira Files, we intend to investigate the ones released with cuts. Our analysis, trying to capture the censoring logic as an act of interdiction, focuses on censored text excerpts in which figures of speech were employed. Based on French Discourse Analysis Theories mainly in the works of Oswald Ducrot and the studies of rhetorical figures with the New Rethoric, we understand figures of speech as producers of discursive effects, magnifying presuppositions and implicatures. Our hypothesis is that the censorship interfered with crucial passages of the text, where sense was being made based on literary style resources, urging the public to adhere. In such process, the cuts reveal to us about the most commonly prohibited contents and, along with them, about the socially established conceptions present in the plays selected for analysis. We have focused on the plays which censorship certificate dated from the 50s or the 60s, trying to set the wider possible range regarding authorship of the pieces and regarding the themes of the censored excerpts. The textual architecture presented by the figures of speech was related to those of the implied contents. At the same time that we understood the exercise of censorship emerging from a triple coincidence of the same contents as being: figurative, implicated and censored.

This master thesis is thematically treating three short stories of Andrey Platonov: Bessmertie, Fro and Vozvraščenie. The purpose is to examine how Platonov presents the Soviet family and to what extent it fits the Soviet family politics. The family portraits are analysed in comparison with the guiding principles of the doctrine of Socialist Realism with the trends of Socialist Realism and family policy of the time into consideration.       The first part describes Platonov’s life, the Socialist Realism, and the family policies of the Soviet Union. It also discusses how the influences of the time could have affected the author’s later works. The second part consists of an analysis of the three short stories mentioned above.      The conclusion is that there is an opposition between the task of working and family life in the stories. Despite the fact that Platonov problematizes this opposition, there are few signs that he writes with an intended direct opposition towards the Soviet power or censorship. The themes of his stories are instead in fact following the development of contemporary family politics, and that is a development with a Soviet family that is “withering away”. / <p>Min examen är från Masterprogrammet i språk. Programmet finns inte med under kategorin "Utbildningsprogram".</p>

This paper explores the conflicts of interest present in science policy and how claims being made for evidence based science can be used to suppress critical social science research. The specific case presented concerns the attempts to ban and censor my work criticising the economics of carbon emissions trading while I was working for the Commonwealth Scientific Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) in Australia. The role of management and the Science Minister are documented through their own public statements. The case raises general issues about the role of epistemic communities in the production of knowledge, the potential for manipulation of information under the guise of quality control and the problems created by claiming a fact-value dichotomy in the science-policy interface. The implications go well beyond just climate change research and challenge how public policy is being formulated in modern industrial societies where scientific knowledge and corporate interests are closely intertwined. (author's abstract) / Series: SRE - Discussion Papers

La pornographie est souvent désapprouvée moralement, que ce soit aux niveaux éthique, sociétal, politique et juridique. Dans ce mémoire, nous allons nous questionner à savoir si les justifications normatives menant à une condamnation morale de la pornographie sont valides selon une éthique minimaliste. Dans un premier temps, nous tenterons de définir et de délimiter ce concept. Ce faisant, nous verrons qu’il est difficile d’établir une définition claire et objective, car la pornographie s’accompagne souvent de jugements moraux. Ce problème moral des appréciations subjectives conduira à nous questionner sur la dimension morale de la pornographie en lien avec ses jugements de valeurs. Pour ce faire, nous prendrons l’éthique minimaliste de Ruwen Ogien comme base réflexive. Selon cet angle éthique, nous verrons que la condamnation morale selon des critères extrinsèques tels que le consentement et la censure ne sont pas valables. Le critère de consentement est essentiel au niveau éthique et il ne peut pas être contourné. Toujours selon une éthique minimaliste, nous verrons que la censure doit être appliquée de manière minimale en se restreignant au principe de non nuisance. Dernièrement, nous verrons que l’objectivation sexuelle présentant les femmes comme des instruments ne doit pas être jugée moralement. Toutes les justifications conduisant à une condamnation morale de la pornographie ne sont pas valide si nous nous basons sur la conception substantielle du bien sexuel, sur la liberté d’offenser et sur le principe de non nuisance. / Pornography is often morally disapproved ethically, socially, politically and legally. In this research, we will ask ourselves on the normative justifications leading to a moral condemnation of pornography are valid according to a minimalist ethic from Ruwen Ogien. First, we will try to define the concept. Thereby, we will see that it is difficult to establish a clear and objective definition because pornography is often accompanied by moral judgments. This attempt to present a definition is problematic on the moral level, because the standards to qualify pornography is based on subjective judgments. Then, we will clarify the minimalist ethic and the substantial conception of sexual well being of Ruwen Ogien to suggest that the criterion of consent is essential to the ethical level and it cannot be bypassed. Still according to a minimalist ethic, we will see that censorship should be applied minimally limiting to the principle of non nuisance. Sexual objectification that offers modern pornography is often targeted as a moral issue. According to the minimalist ethic, although modern pornography shows women as sex objects, it should not be judged morally. Now, all the justifications leading to moral condemnation are not valid if we rely on the substantial conception of sexual well being, freedom of offence and the principle of non nuisance from Ruwen Ogien.

Thesis "Media coverage of band Dog Soldiers (Psí vojáci) between years 1979 and 2013" shows the change of cultural environment as well as the differences between the normalization press and the magazines after 1989. Diversity of media system describes work primarily through oral history research based on testimonies of direct history participants and people associated with the group Dog Soldiers and alternative music scene. Band was situated between underground and alternative culture, so its position cannot be easily set. As it cannot find any similar interpret of the same genre. The unique position made Dog Soldiers an alternative music scene's symbol of post-Communist period. The descriptive and comparative perspective also serves to fulfill the set goals, which makes it possible to compare the functionality of official and samizdat or exile periodicals at the time of normalization and nationwide newspapers and music magazines in later more active period of the group. The work also shows the differences between the processing of individual musical environments of Czech culture by specialized literature.

The aim of this dissertation is to characterize the development of the press in the district of Pelhřimov between the years 1948 and 1989 on the geographical, political, social and cultural background in Czechoslovakia as well as this concrete region. On the ground of available material the dissertation also adumbrates the management of a regional newspaper office and the work there. The attention is paid on the main district periodical. The first chapter of the dissertation offers a picture of the historical background of that time as well as the management of printed newspapers in Czechoslovakia. The regional affairs are set in a deeper context. The second chapter devotes a detailed description of political, economical, social, cultural and sports events in the district of Pelhřimov and their reflexion in the press. The main constituent of this chapter is an overview of the district periodicals raging from Týdeník Cesta vysočinou, Hlas Vysočiny, Vesnické noviny Pelhřimovska, Pelhřimovské noviny to Nástup and Hlas Vysočiny in 1990. In the last chapter there is an attempt to analyse the content of the newspapers in the district of Pelhřimov from the semiotic point of view. This chapter also points out basic principles of the work with themes and miscellaneous curiosities which appeared in the...

Le second dix-huitième siècle est marqué par une profonde reconfiguration du cadre politique qui se traduit par un essor concomitant de la critique publique et du patriotisme. Le théâtre participe au mouvement. Dans le sillage de Voltaire, des auteurs très divers s’emparent de l’Histoire de France, renouvelant les genres théâtraux et le rapport au spectacle. Aux pièces épiques ou sentimentales du « genre troubadour » s’ajoutent bientôt les anecdotes biographiques consacrées aux Grands Hommes, puis les « apothéoses dramatiques » et les « faits historiques » contemporains de la Révolution. Cet ensemble hétéroclite de pièces jouées sur des théâtres officiels, en société ou seulement diffusées par écrit, constitue ce que nous appelons le théâtre national des Lumières et de la Révolution. À travers l’étude des textes et de leur réception, nous analysons comment la représentation de l’Histoire de France participe aux transformations des mentalités, selon un effet de miroir passé-présent plus ou moins explicite. Aux enjeux esthétiques et dramaturgiques emblématiques de cette période charnière entre classicisme et romantisme, le théâtre national mêle des enjeux politiques et mémoriels : plus qu’un divertissement moral, il est conçu comme un dispositif civique. Il construit un patrimoine historique collectif avec des mythes et des légendes, mais les intentions idéologiques divergentes des auteurs et la participation active des publics en font un lieu de dissensus. Le théâtre national médiatise également les tensions de la société et recherche des émotions qui oscillent entre l’admiration, l’attendrissement, la déploration indignée et l’horreur face aux blessures du passé. / The second half of the eighteenth-century is characterized by a thorough transformation of the political world, a change which reflected the simultaneous development of public criticism and patriotism. Theatre plays a key role in this process. Following Voltaire, a variety of playwrights use French history for their plots, and in so doing they update genres and audience expectations. Alongside epic or sentimental plays of the troubadour genre, bio-dramas of “Great Men” soon appeared, followed by dramatic apotheoses and the Revolution’s “faits historiques”. This varied corpus of plays – performed ¬ or not, on official or private stages – constitutes what we may call the national drama of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.By studying these texts and their reception, I analyse how the theatrical representation of French history and its ability to act as a mirror between the past and the present contribute to the contemporary changes in thought. National drama not only showcases the esthetical and dramaturgic debates of this turning point between classicism and romanticism, but it additionally implicates issues of politics and memory: it is more than simple moral entertainment, it has civic value. These productions create a collective historical heritage with its own myths and legends, but the playwrights’ contradictory ideological intentions and the audiences’ active participation also make this theatre a site of dissent. National drama also expresses contemporary social strains and seeks to evoke specific emotions such as admiration, empathy, outrage and horror in the face of the past’s wounds.

A partir de l'étude des interactions quotidiennes entre Katangais et Kasaïens, après les violences de masse perpétrées contre les Kasaïens « non originaires» au début des années 1990, la thèse montre que les Katangais et les Kasaïens mettent en œuvre, dans le cadre de leurs interactions en face-à-face (Goffman), des pratiques de coexistence fondées sur l'évitement, le silence et les non-dits. Le silence sur les violences passées et l'évitement des sujets politiques interprétables en fonction du conflit entre les deux communautés constituent en fait une norme interactionnelle de coexistence pacifique, à rebours de l'injonction au dialogue et à la compréhension mutuelle, qui est au cœur des pratiques des ONG de pacification « par le bas». La thèse montre également que dans certains contextes politiques ou socio-économiques macros constituant des situations de crise (Dobry ; Vidal), se produit un phénomène de polarisation des identités collectives : les Katangais et les Kasaïens ne sont alors plus perçus que par rapport à leur origine ethno-régionale. L'anticipation du déroulement des situations d'interaction devient plus difficile, du fait de I' « incertitude structurelle» qui caractérise ces situations de crise; et les pratiques routinisées de coexistence fondées sur l'autocensure et l'évitement tendent à diminuer. A partir de ces conclusions, la thèse interroge les injonctions morales à la réconciliation et au dialogue, qui sont à l'œuvre dans les théories et pratiques de pacification «par le bas», et la possibilité même d'une réconciliation «par le bas», diffusant de proche en proche une « culture de la paix » qui finirait par imprégner toute une société. / Based on the study of daily interactions between Katangese and Kasaians, in the aftermath of the mass violence committed against the non-native Kasaians in the early 1990s, the dissertation shows that in their face-to-face interactions (Goffman), Katangese and Kasaians used practices of coexistence based on avoidance, silence, and self-censorship. Silence on the past violence and on political topics that can be interpreted with regard to the conflict between the two communities has indeed became an interactional norm of peaceful coexistence, unlike the injunction of NGOs specialized in the 'bottom-up' pacification to set up a dialogue that is deemed to foster a mutual understanding. The dissertation also shows that specific political or socio-economic contexts lead to 'crisis situations' (Dobry; Vidal). These crisis situations result in the polarization of collective identities: Katangese and Kasaians are viewed only by their ethno-regional origins. The expectations about interaction situations are made more difficult, because of the “structural uncertainty” that characterizes 'crisis situations'; and the routine practices of coexistence based on self-censorship and avoidance tend to disappear. From these findings, the dissertation questions the moral injunctions in favor of reconciliation and dialogue, which are at the heart of the theories and practices of 'bottom-up' pacification, and even the eventuality of a “bottom-up” reconciliation spreading step by step a 'culture of peace', which would eventually permeate society as a whole.