Esta dissertação teve como ponto de partida a constatação empírica de que houve, nas páginas de alguns jornais e revistas que circularam durante o regime militar brasileiro, um aparentemente paradoxal processo de “divulgação do proibido”. A publicação na imprensa de notas, referências e críticas sobre diversas interdições censórias foi aqui explicada pela existência de dois mecanismos distintos de atuação da Censura. Um deles, o controle de espetáculos feito pela Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas (DCDP), era caracterizado pelo perfil público e aberto. O outro, voltado para a imprensa e realizado pelo SIGAB, tinha o anonimato como principal característica de suas atividades. Como a clandestinidade era uma especificidade da censura à imprensa, estavam explicadas as inúmeras referências à censura localizadas no curso desta investigação, já que todas elas diziam respeito ao controle de diversões públicas (cinema, teatro, música, rádio, tv etc.). Depois de identificada a distinção de ethos das “duas censuras”, buscou-se as justificativas dessa clivagem, o que envolveu uma reflexão em dois eixos, quais sejam: 1) sobre a diferença de legitimidade legal das censuras à imprensa e às diversões públicas; e, ainda, 2) sobre as diferenças de legitimidade social às intervenções censórias de natureza política e àquelas com ênfase na moralidade e costumes. / This investigation had as starting point the empiric verification that there was, in the pages of newspapers and magazines that circulated during a period of the Brazilian military regime, a seemingly paradoxical process of “publishing of the forbidden”. That press notes, references and critics about many interdictions of censorship has its explanation in the fact that two different mechanisms of censor performance existed. One of them, the control of shows done by DCDP, Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas (Division of Censorship of Public Amusements), was characterized by the public profile, by the “opening” tendency. The other surveillance type, that followed the press and was accomplished by SIGAB, had as main characteristic the anonymity of its activities. As the secrecy was a specificity of the censorship towards the press, countless references regarding censorship were so explained. This, because all of them concerned the transparent control of public amusements (movies, theater, music, radio, tv). After identified the ethos distinction of the “two censorships”, we looked for its justifications, which involve a explanation sustained on two axles of reflection: the difference of legal legitimacy regarding the censorships towards the press and the public amusements and, moreover, the differences of social legitimacy and civilian support to the censorship interventions of political nature and of those with emphasis on morals and good habits.

Cette étude à l’intersection entre pouvoir et espace porte sur le contrôle du cinéma par les autorités des concessions, l’intervention de pouvoirs concurrents dans le champ du cinéma et les activités de l’industrie cinématographique entre 1927 et 1943. Dans les années 1920, Shanghai, en particulier par ses concessions, devient la capitale du cinéma en Chine. En 1927, les autorités de la Concession internationale et celles de la Concession française établissent l’une après l’autre un système de censure cinématographique en prenant en compte l’expérience de leurs métropoles ou de leurs colonies et coopèrent entre elles dans sa mise en œuvre. Pour maintenir les bonnes mœurs et l’ordre public, les censeurs examinent les films en fonction de critères qui relèvent de la morale publique, de la prévention de la criminalité, de la sensibilité nationale ou du rapport avec la politique. Le cinéma en effet n’est pas seulement un outil de divertissement. Il devient aussi un enjeu de la lutte croissante entre les divers pouvoirs. Ainsi les autorités chinoises utilisent le nationalisme en manipulant l’émotion populaire et parviennent à orchestrer des mouvements de protestation « spontanée » pour s’emparer du droit de censure dans les concessions. Le Japon, acteur clé dans l’histoire moderne de la Chine, joue également un rôle dans ce tableau. Avec l’occupation du territoire chinois de Shanghai à partir de 1937, dans la mesure où l’armée japonaise considère le cinéma comme un outil de propagande, elle cherche à contrôler ce secteur. Les autorités des concessions doivent adapter leurs critères de censure au gré des mutations politiques, sociales et culturelles afin de préserver la stabilité sociale ainsi que leurs propres intérêts. Ces mesures ont une influence sur l’industrie du cinéma qui doit trouver un équilibre entre le contrôle exercé par divers pouvoirs et le marché. Une culture spécifique du cinéma s’est ainsi construite. Cette étude entend analyser à la fois l’évolution du système de censure cinématographique et son influence sur l’industrie cinématographique dans le contexte historique, culturel, ethnique, économique et politique de Shanghai entre 1927 et 1943. / This study at the crossroad of power and space focuses on the control of films the authorities of the foreign settlements implemented in Shanghai, the intervention of competing powers in the field of cinema and the activities of the film industry under their control between 1927 and 1943. In the 1920s, Shanghai, and particularly its settlements, became the capital of cinema in China. In 1927, the authorities of the International Settlement and the French Concession both established a system of film censorship that drew on the experience of their metropolitan states or their colonies and began to cooperate in its implementation. To maintain a sound moral environment and public order, the censors examined the films based on criteria such as morality, crime prevention, national sensitivity or politics. Movies were not only a means of entertainment, but also a major issue in the growing struggle among various authorities. In order to take hold of the right of censorship in settlements, the Chinese authorities took advantage of nationalism by manipulating popular emotion and succeeded in provoking campaigns of “spontaneous” protests. In such a context, Japan, a key player in modern Chinese history, also played an important role. After the occupation of the Chinese territory of Shanghai in 1937, the Japanese army, considering that movies were a means of propaganda, tried to control the film industry in Shanghai. The settlements’ authorities had to adapt their censorship criteria to political, social and cultural changes in order to maintain social stability and ensure their own interests. These measures influenced the film industry which had to find a balance between the control by various powers and market forces. A specific film culture thus emerged. This study aims at analysing both the evolution of the film censorship system and its influence on the film industry in the historical, cultural, ethnic, economic and political context of Shanghai between 1927 and 1943.

Submitted by Fernando Souza (fernandoafsou@gmail.com) on 2017-08-21T16:29:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 917941 bytes, checksum: e85ae298ee652a63fa17fc43f8fc6b8f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-21T16:29:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 917941 bytes, checksum: e85ae298ee652a63fa17fc43f8fc6b8f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / In this paper, we analyze the problem of evaluating the influence of observations in the extreme value regression model (Gumbel regression) under type I censorship. This model is very important in the analysis of lifetime data. First, we obtain the log-likelihood function, the score function and Fisher's information matrix. Then we will discuss some methods of influence, such as global influence and the influence local. In the local influence analysis will derive the normal curvatures under various perturbation schemes. We conclude the work obtaining a closed-form expression for the generalized leverage. / Neste trabalho, analisaremos o problema de avaliar a influência de observações no modelo de regressão de valor extremo (regressão Gumbel) sob censura tipo I. Tal modelo é muito importante na análise de dados de tempo de vida. Primeiramente, obteremos a função log-verossimilhança, a função escore e a matriz de informação de Fisher. Em seguida discutiremos alguns métodos de influência, tais como a influência global e a influência local. Na análise de influência local, derivaremos expressões para as curvaturas normais sob diferentes esquemas de perturbações. Finalizaremos obtendo uma expressão de forma fechada para a alavancagem generalizada.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3900209 bytes, checksum: b1e2ed8dcb2d322a9cfab6ad1b784a8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This Master Dissertation is linked to the Research Line: Regional History , of Post-Graduation Program in History of the Paraíba Federal University, which has Historical Culture and History as its Area of Concentration. Our research have as objective to analyze above all, the use of the political censorship on protest music during the called shot years of the military dictatorship in Brazil. With this intent we have focused mainly on the judgments elaborated by the censors themselves, between 1969 and 1974, during the censure practice, to justify the vetos on the protest songs, censureds for having political protests opposite the political regime in vigour, established in Brazil by the militaries with the stroke of 1964. Therefore, we have tried to demonstrate that, besides the moral censorship which held in the country during the military dictatorship and that had been applied since the mid 40 s, also during that military regime themselves, there was a political censorship on the Brazilian popular music, wich acted with more vigour during the shot years and mainly on the protest music, which directioned more its contestations for the political situation in Brazil at that moment. Besides, no refuse wich happened in that period themselves a moral censorship on the popular music made in Brazil. Though, we have tried to show too that there was, at certain moments, an interconnection between the political and moral motivations for the censorship of determinates songs. / Esta Dissertação de Mestrado está vinculada à Linha de Pesquisa: História Regional , do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal da Paraíba, o qual tem como Área de Concentração: História e Cultura Histórica . Nossa pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar, sobretudo, o uso da censura política sobre a música de protesto durante os chamados anos de chumbo (1969-1974) da ditadura militar no Brasil. Com esse intuito nos detemos mais sobre os pareceres elaborados pelos próprios censores entre 1969 e 1974, quando da prática censória, para justificarem os vetos sobre as canções de protesto, censuradas por conterem protestos políticos contra o regime político vigente implantado no Brasil pelos militares com o golpe de 1964. Portanto, procuramos demonstrar que, além da censura moral que vigorava no país durante a ditadura militar, e que já vinha desde meados da década de 1940, também ocorreu, durante esse mesmo regime militar, uma censura política sobre a música popular brasileira, a qual atuou com mais vigor durante os anos de chumbo e principalmente sobre a música de protesto, que direcionava mais suas contestações para a situação política do Brasil naquele momento. Além disso, não negamos que tenha ocorrido nesse mesmo período uma censura moral sobre a música popular produzida no Brasil. Não obstante, também procuramos mostrar que havia, em certos momentos, uma interconexão entre as motivações políticas e morais para a censura de determinadas canções.

No início da década de 60, um grupo de jovens cineastas dispostos a mudar os rumos do cinema brasileiro e da própria realidade social e política de seu público despontava de forma inédita no cenário internacional, conquistando a crítica dos festivais de cinema europeus. Durante a década de 70, o grupo que ficou conhecido como Cinema Novo sofreu transformações em decorrência da política cultural do regime instaurado com o golpe de 1964. Com uma proposta de desenvolvimento industrial para o cinema brasileiro, a ditadura civil-militar criou, em 1966, o Instituto Nacional de Cinema (INC) e, em 1969, a Empresa Brasileira de Filmes (EMBRAFILME). Esta tinha como finalidade a divulgação do cinema brasileiro no exterior. Paralelamente, a atividade da censura selecionava o que o público interno deveria ver. Da mesma forma, era a censura que liberava a exibição no exterior das películas brasileiras, através da chancela “Livre para Exportação.” Dispostos a seguir com sua proposta verdadeiramente nacional de cinema brasileiro, determinados diretores do Cinema Novo decidiram-se por buscar o diálogo com o Estado. Como resultado, suas obras alcançaram êxitos internacionais não concedidos à outra ordem de produção cinematográfica. Notou-se que as obras de maior repercussão no exterior não apresentavam nenhuma proximidade com a propaganda oficial do regime empreendida no âmbito interno, como, a princípio, suscita a existência da EMBRAFILME. Ademais, mesmo os filmes sem qualquer vínculo com o Estado em sua produção passavam pelo seu crivo por meio da censura. Dessa forma, surpreende que a imagem do Brasil enquanto produtor de cinema tenha sido construída por películas aparentemente tão distantes das evidentes intenções do regime. Partindo da criação da EMBRAFILME e da atuação da censura em relação a esse conjunto de filmes, este trabalho busca investigar a relação da ditadura imposta em 1964 com a inserção internacional do cinema brasileiro até a obra de Roberto Farias Pra frente, Brasil. / At the dawn of the 60s, a group of young cineastes keen to change the way Brazilian cinema was made and also willing to change the social and political reality of their public was standing out in the international scene, gathering much attention even from European film festivals critics. During the 70s, the group known as Cinema Novo (New Cinema) had to adapt to the regime’s cultural politics established in the 1964 coup d’état. Having a proposal of industrial development to the Brazilian cinema, the military and civil dictatorship created, in 1966, the National Cinema Institute (INC) and, in 1969, the Brazilian Movie Company (EMBRAFILME). Latter, aimed to take Brazilian cinema abroad. At the same time, the censorship selected what people in Brazil should watch. In the same way, it was also the censorship that unleashed the movies abroad by the tag Livre para Exportação (Free to Export). Willing to go on with its truly national Brazilian cinema core, some New Cinema directors tried to dialogue with the government. As a result, their movies reached international achievements not conceded to other cinematographic works. It was noticed that the most successful works in the international market had nothing to do with the official propaganda of the regime widespread in Brazil, as evokes EMBRAFILME`s genesis. Furthermore, even the movies that had no bond with the State on the production had to be approved by censorship. In that sense, it stands out that the image of Brazil as a cinema producer has been built by movies away from the regimes intentions. Starting from the origination of EMBRAFILME and the action of censorship on these movies, this work aims to investigate the relationship of the 1964 imposed dictatorship with the international insertion of Brazilian cinema until the Roberto Farias’s work Pra frente, Brasil.

Cette thèse souhaite reconstituer l’histoire du Nouveau Théâtre Espagnol, courant marginalisé de la scène en son temps, dans une double optique : celle de la diffusion —dans ses multiples aspects— et celle de la caractérisation éthique et esthétique. Incluant aussi les pièces censurées et inédites, l’étude propose de faire revivre un mouvement dramatique et scénique novateur qui s’est développé en Espagne pendant le franquisme tardif et le début de la Transition (1967-1978), artistiquement expérimental, culturellement anticonformiste, esthétiquement anti-conventionnel et politiquement antifranquiste. La recherche de nouvelles propositions et de solutions scéniques a provoqué l’apparition d’une néo-avant-garde à la fin de la dictature ; ces productions étaient impossibles à contenir dans les limites structurelles du théâtre commercial (œuvres classiques, comédies d’évasion), ni même dans celles des propositions du Réalisme contemporain. La transformation voulue de la scène dramatique passait par une prise de conscience progressive de groupe —marginalisé de diverses manières— ainsi que par la création de nouvelles formes non aristotéliciennes (parfois inspirées de l’avant-garde scénique européenne et américaine) et de nouveaux modes d’expressions fondés sur la création langagière, la provocation verbale, l’allégorie et le symbole. Ce travail propose une réflexion sur la dénomination et le concept même du Nouveau Théâtre Espagnol, sur son contexte socio-culturel et politique —décisifs pour son essor et son développement— et veut offrir une approche d’analyse stylistique afin de préciser les caractères définitoires du mouvement. / This Ph. D. thesis tries to reconstruct, under a double perspective, the history of the Spanish New Theatre, an artistic manifestation marginalised from the scenes on its times; the essay considers its extent –on multiple aspects– and its ethic and aesthetic characterisation. Including also censored and unpublished plays, this study intends to revive an innovative scenic and dramatic movement which developed in Spain during the late Francoism and the early Spanish Transition (1967-1978); it was artistically experimental, culturally non-conformist, aesthetically unconventional and politically anti-Francoist. The search for new scenic propositions and solutions provoked the appearance of a new avant-garde at the end of the dictatorship; its productions were incomprehensible within the structural limits of commercial theatre (classic drama, light comedies) or even contemporary Realism’s propositions. The transformation of the dramatic scene implied a progressive awareness of group –marginalised in many ways– and generated the creation of multiple non-Aristotelic forms (sometimes inspired in the European and American avant-gardes); it supposed also new modes of expression based on a creative language, verbal provocation and an extended use of allegory and symbol. These pages propose a reflection about the Spanish New Theatre’s name and very concept, on its socio-cultural and political context –capital for its birth and development– offering a stylistic analysis approach in order to specify the movement’s defining features.

Cette thèse pose la question du travail des examinateurs au travers des classifications britannique et française de films : au Royaume-Uni, le BBFC (British Board of Film Classification) est l’institution en charge de la classification des films ; en France, c’est la Commission de Classification des Œuvres cinématographiques qui s’en occupe. La problématique de ce sujet est : comment les pratiques des examinateurs et les évolutions sociales et institutionnelles ont façonné la création et le développement d’un critère langage au sein des systèmes de classification britannique et français ? En effet, selon les stéréotypes, ces classifications sont généralement mises en opposition : le BBFC est présenté comme une machine à compter les jurons, alors que la classification française est décrite comme étant libérale. Cette thèse vise à expliquer l’origine de ces stéréotypes et à mettre en lumière la place du critère langage au sein de ces classifications de films. / This thesis wonders about the work of examiners within British and French filmclassifications: in the UK, the BBFC (British Board of Film Classification) is theinstitution in charge of film classification; in France, it is the Commission ofClassification of Cinematographic Works. The question here is: how have the work ofexaminers and institutional and societal evolutions shaped the creation and thedevelopment of a language criterion within British and French film classificationsystems? Indeed, stereotypically, those classifications are generally opposed: the BBFC is presented as a swearword-counting system, while the French classification is described as liberal. This thesis aims at explaining the origin of those stereotypes and at highlighting the true place of language within film classifications.

[pt] A dissertação tem por objetivo fazer uma leitura da produção artística dos compositores Francis Hime e Chico Buarque nos anos 1970, período de maior produção da dupla. O trabalho se coloca num espaço narrativo fragmentado, campo de afetos de uma escritura ficcional e ensaística que se intercalam e se entrecruzam. A dissertação pretende apresentar o caminho singular dessa parceria, pouco explorada pela crítica acadêmica e pelos meios de comunicação, e que não foi composta apenas para o formato disco, mas também para trilhas sonoras, cinema e peças teatrais. / [en] This dissertation analyses the 1970s artistic work of the composers Francis Hime and Chico Buarque the decade of the duos s greatest productions. The study is set in the fragmented narrative space of an emotional field with inserted and interposed fictional and essay writing styles. The dissertation seeks to present this unique partnership, still little explored by academic criticism and the media, and that was not created exclusively for the disc format, but also soudtracks for films and theater plays.

\"Roque Santeiro\", de Dias Gomes, é mais que o maior fenômeno de audiência da teledramaturgia brasileira. É uma obra em três atos, capaz de trazer à tona o início, o meio e o fim da ditadura militar brasileira, cada fase com suas diferentes formas de censura. No primeiro, temos a peça teatral \"O Berço do Herói\", em 1965, que daria origem à trama televisiva. A história de um cabo, falso herói da Força Expedicionária Brasileira, é censurada no dia da estreia. Dez anos depois, em segundo ato, uma versão da peça feita para a TV Globo, já com o nome de \"Roque Santeiro\" e 36 capítulos gravados, ganha o traumático título de a primeira telenovela integralmente censurada no País, um dia antes do lançamento, em 1975. Por fim, em 1985, duas décadas após a proibição da peça, a novela, em um nova versão, gravada com outros atores, vai ao ar, consagrada pela crítica e pelo público. Nesse terceiro ato, é embalada como símbolo da abertura política brasileira, mas, nos bastidores, enfrenta seguidos cortes da Censura, que não se desmonta no período da redemocratização, quando o País já tinha um presidente civil, mas não uma nova Constituição, que só seria promulgada em 1988. A base desta pesquisa são fontes primárias, que vêm à público pela primeira vez: cerca de duas mil páginas de documentos dos arquivos da Censura relacionados à obra e de todos os registros sobre Dias Gomes no SNI (Serviço Nacional de Informações), além de um diário pessoal em que ele narra o processo de criação de \"O Pagador de Promessas\", base de sua dramaturgia, e de correspondências entre o autor, a Globo e o governo. A esse corpus se somam reportagens da época e depoimentos de profissionais ligados a Dias Gomes especialmente concedidos para este trabalho, que pretende mostrar a força simbólica desse produto midiático (\"Roque Santeiro\") como revelador de um período histórico do País, a partir da relação triangular entre um célebre comunista, o governo militar e a maior emissora de televisão do País. / \"Roque Santeiro\", by Dias Gomes, is more than just the largest audience phenomenon of Brazilian soap operas. It is a work in three acts, able to bring out the beginning, middle and end of the Brazilian military dictatorship, each stage with its different forms of censorship. In the first act, we have the \"O Berço do Herói\" play, in 1965, which would lead to the television plot. It is about the story of an army corporal, false hero of the Brazilian Expeditionary Force, which is censored on the day of the premiere. Ten years later, in the second act, a version of the play made for Globo TV, already using the name \"Roque Santeiro\" and with 36 recorded chapters, wins the traumatic title of the first soap opera fully censored in the country, a day before its premiere, in 1975. Finally, in 1985, two decades after the ban of the play, the soap opera, in a new version, recorded with other actors, goes on, consecrated by the critics and the audience. In this third act, it is seem as a symbol of the Brazilian political opening, but behind the scenes, it still faces followed Censorship cuts, which is not broken in the period of democratization, when the country already had a civil president, but not a new constitution, which only was enacted in 1988. The basis of this research are primary sources, which come to public for the first time: about two thousand pages of documents of the Censorship files related to the work and all the records about Dias Gomes on SNI (National Information Service), as well as a personal diary in which he writes about the process of creation of \"O Pagador de Promessas\", base of his dramaturgy, and some correspondences between the author, Globo and the government. This material was enhanced by reports of the time and professional testimonials connected to Dias Gomes specially granted for this work, which aims to show the symbolic power of this media product (\"Roque Santeiro\") disclosing a country\'s historical period, based on the triangular relationship between a famous communist, the military government and the largest television station in the country.

Esta dissertação teve como ponto de partida a constatação empírica de que houve, nas páginas de alguns jornais e revistas que circularam durante o regime militar brasileiro, um aparentemente paradoxal processo de “divulgação do proibido”. A publicação na imprensa de notas, referências e críticas sobre diversas interdições censórias foi aqui explicada pela existência de dois mecanismos distintos de atuação da Censura. Um deles, o controle de espetáculos feito pela Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas (DCDP), era caracterizado pelo perfil público e aberto. O outro, voltado para a imprensa e realizado pelo SIGAB, tinha o anonimato como principal característica de suas atividades. Como a clandestinidade era uma especificidade da censura à imprensa, estavam explicadas as inúmeras referências à censura localizadas no curso desta investigação, já que todas elas diziam respeito ao controle de diversões públicas (cinema, teatro, música, rádio, tv etc.). Depois de identificada a distinção de ethos das “duas censuras”, buscou-se as justificativas dessa clivagem, o que envolveu uma reflexão em dois eixos, quais sejam: 1) sobre a diferença de legitimidade legal das censuras à imprensa e às diversões públicas; e, ainda, 2) sobre as diferenças de legitimidade social às intervenções censórias de natureza política e àquelas com ênfase na moralidade e costumes. / This investigation had as starting point the empiric verification that there was, in the pages of newspapers and magazines that circulated during a period of the Brazilian military regime, a seemingly paradoxical process of “publishing of the forbidden”. That press notes, references and critics about many interdictions of censorship has its explanation in the fact that two different mechanisms of censor performance existed. One of them, the control of shows done by DCDP, Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas (Division of Censorship of Public Amusements), was characterized by the public profile, by the “opening” tendency. The other surveillance type, that followed the press and was accomplished by SIGAB, had as main characteristic the anonymity of its activities. As the secrecy was a specificity of the censorship towards the press, countless references regarding censorship were so explained. This, because all of them concerned the transparent control of public amusements (movies, theater, music, radio, tv). After identified the ethos distinction of the “two censorships”, we looked for its justifications, which involve a explanation sustained on two axles of reflection: the difference of legal legitimacy regarding the censorships towards the press and the public amusements and, moreover, the differences of social legitimacy and civilian support to the censorship interventions of political nature and of those with emphasis on morals and good habits.