Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the ways in which the censors during the apartheid era responded to the works of three black liberation theorists; namely Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral and Steve Biko. Although other studies of apartheid‐era censorship have been published, this is the first to examine the censors’ reactions to the work of key African liberation writers. Apartheid in South Africa brought with it a stringent system of governance, which included a board of censors who would decide, according their interpretation of the laws of the time, whether a publication was considered to be “desirable” or “not undesirable.” One of the major themes examined in the thesis is the interface and tension between the specific and the transnational. As we shall see, all three liberation theorists put forward Pan‐African ideas of liberation, but often explicated upon the specificities of their particular liberation struggles. In a strange act of mirroring, while upholding the idea of South Africa as “a special case” (exempt from the norms of international human rights law), the apartheid‐era censors were concerned about the spread of Pan‐African theories of liberation. Beginning with Fanon, I speculate on the reason why Black Skin White Masks was not banned in South Africa, though Fanon’s later works to enter the country were banned. I also examine Gillo Pontecorvo’s film The Battle of Algiers, which was influenced by Fanon’s theories, and censorship, arguing that the “likely readers” or “likely viewers” of revolutionary material included not only possible revolutionaries, but also paranoid networks of counterinsurgency. I then move on to examine the apartheid censors’ responses to the works of Amilcar Cabral, outlining the interface and tension between local and continental as described above. The final chapter, which deals with the censors’ responses to Steve “Bantu” Biko’s I Write What I Like as well as Donald Wood’s Biko, the film Cry Freedom and other Biko related texts and memorabilia, has some surprises about the supposedly “liberal” censors’ responses to what they deemed to be “undesirable” and “not undesirable” literature. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die manier waarop die sensuurraad tydens die apartheidera gereageer het op die werk van drie swart bevrydingsteoretici, by name Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral en Steve Biko. Hoewel daar wel ander studies oor apartheidera‐sensuur die gepubliseer is, is hierdie die eerste studie wat die sensuurraad se reaksie op die werk van sleutel‐Afrikabevrydingskrywers verken. Apartheid het ‘n streng beheerstelsel in Suid‐Afrika tot gevolg gehad wat ‘n sensuurraad ingesluit het wat volgens sy interpretasie van die toenmalige wette kon besluit of ‘n publikasie “wenslik” of “nie‐wenslik” was. Een van die hooftemas wat in hierdie tesis ondersoek word is die interaksie en spanning tussen die spesifieke en die transnasionale. Soos sal blyk, het al drie bevrydingsteoretici Pan‐Afrikanistiese idees van bevryding ondersteun, maar dikwels die besondere van hul spesifieke bevrydingstryd uiteengesit. Die apartheidera‐sensors se kommer oor die verspreiding van die Pan‐ Afrikanistiese bevrydingsteorië, terwyl hulle die idee van Suid‐Afrika as “’n spesiale geval” (vrygestel van die norme van internasionale menseregtewetgewing) voorgehou het, was ‘n ironiese spieëlbeeld hiervan. Ek begin by Fanon en bespiegel oor die redes waarom Black Skin White Masks nooit in Suid‐Afrika verbied was nie hoewel Fanon se latere werk wat die land binnegekom het, wel verbied was. Ek ondersoek ook Gillo Pontecorvo se film The Battle of Algiers wat deur Fanon se teorië beïnvloed is, en argumenteer dat die “waarskynlike lesers” en “waarskynlike kykers” van revolusionêre materiaal nie slegs moontlike revolusionêre ingesluit het nie, maar ook paranoïede netwerke van teeninsurgensie. Ek gaan voort deur die reaksie van die apartheidera‐sensors op die werke van Amilcar Cabral te ondersoek en die interaksie en spanning tussen die plaaslike en die kontinentale, soos hierbo beskryf, uit te lig. Die slothoofstuk, wat handel oor die sensuurraad se reaksie op Steve “Bantu” Biko se I Write What I Like, asook Donald Woods se Biko, die film Cry Freedom en ander Biko‐verwante tekste en memorabilia, bevat verrassings omtrent die sogenaamde “liberale” sensors se reaksies op wat hulle as “wenslike” en “nie‐wenslike” literatuur beskou het.

Este trabalho estuda a censura da peça e das canções de Calabar: o elogio da traição, de Chico Buarque e Ruy Guerra, ocorrida entre 1973 e 1980, durante o regime militar. A partir dos documentos armazenados no Arquivo Nacional, em Brasília, referentes ao acervo da Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas (DCDP) – subordinada ao Departamento de Polícia Federal (DPF) e responsável pela censura de peças teatrais, canções e filmes –, é possível recuperar a história dessa obra nos bastidores dos órgãos repressores. Com a análise dos papéis relacionados ao texto teatral e às canções, juntamente com o exame do LP lançado por Chico em 1973, Chico Canta, observamos que a DCDP fez cortes ao script e a algumas canções, além de proibir a gravação de outras músicas. Apesar dessas determinações, a Divisão emitiu o certificado liberatório para a encenação em 16 de maio de 1973, permitindoa ao público maior de idade. Entretanto, em 15 de janeiro de 1974, a montagem foi proibida em todo o território nacional pelo DPF. Meses antes do veto, o DPF avocara o script para reexame impedindo a estreia do espetáculo. Assim, Calabar ganhou os palcos somente em 1980, após o estabelecimento do Conselho Superior de Censura (CSC), composto por quinze membros – provenientes do governo e da sociedade – com objetivo de rever os vetos proferidos pela ditadura. O CSC avaliou o percurso da peça na censura e concluiu que o veto do DPF não seguiu a recomendação de liberação da DCDP. Por meio do estudo desse e de outros documentos, verificamos que os censores avaliavam tanto o conteúdo político quanto o moral. Percebemos, inclusive, casos em que os profissionais do veto identificaram o teor de crítica política do texto ou das canções, mas optaram pela liberação. Em algumas músicas, provavelmente, por considerar a crítica política sutil e de difícil compreensão pelo público. No caso da encenação, por preferirem esperar o ensaio geral para avaliar a montagem da cena e, se julgassem necessário, proferirem novos cortes. O trabalho visa compreender por que Chico e Ruy buscam um episódio do século XVII para questionar o regime ditatorial vigente e porque Polícia Federal se incomodou tanto com a obra composta pela dupla. / This work presents an analysis of the censorship applied upon both the play itself and the songs that compose Calabar: o elogio da traição (Calabar: the compliment on betrayal, free translation), written by Chico Buarque and Ruy Guerra. The object of this work is the censorship which took place between the years of 1973 and 1980, during Brazil’s military regime. From the documents that were filed in the National Archive, in the city of Brasilia, which former belonged to the Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas’ (DCDP) – an organ linked to the Brazilian Federal Police, in charge of censoring public entertainment such as plays, songs and films – collection, it is possible to reconstruct the history of Calabar from inside the repressive organs. By studying the documents related to the play and its songs, as well as the LP released by Chico Buarque in 1973, Chico Canta (Chico sings, free translation), we could observe that the DCDP removed parts of the script and songs, and prevented the artist from recording some other songs. Furthermore, the DCDP issued a certificate releasing the play on May 16th, 1973, but only allowing people over 18 years of age to attend to it. However, on January 15th, 1974, the play was forbidden in all national territory by the Brazilian Federal Police (DPF). Months before the veto, the DPF asked the script back for reexamination, which prevented the play’s debut. Calabar was staged only in 1980, after the Censorship Council (CSC) was created. The CSC had 15 members – from both the government and the society – and the purpose of reviewing the vetos from the military. They examined the play and concluded that the veto did not follow DCDP’s recommendation for releasing it. After analyzing the documents, we verified that the censors evaluated both the political and moral contents. Remarkably, there were even some cases in which the censors could see the political content within the text or songs, but chose to release them. It is possible that they released some songs because they considered the criticism to be very subtle and difficult for the public to understand. In the case of the play itself, we believe they chose to wait for the dress rehearsal to judge the scene and, if necessary, make further cuts. This work aims to clarify why Chico Buarque and Ruy Guerra resorted to an 18th century episode to question the dictatorial government and why their work bothered so much the Federal Police.

[pt] Esta tese se propõe a analisar a fábula Dinossauro Excelentíssimo, de José Cardoso Pires, procurando identificar os procedimentos com os quais o autor representa as relações entre a censura e o poder da palavra e, consequentemente, a dimensão política que se configura a partir dessa relação. Pretende-se observar, na obra citada, as estratégias utilizadas pelo autor para criar a história de um personagem ditador, o Imperador da Torre das Sete Chaves, que manipula as palavras com a finalidade de espalhar o medo no Reino dos Mexilhões. Isso possibilitou ao escritor interrogar as memórias do cotidiano da ditadura salazarista e incorporar, na ficção, fatos históricos que marcaram a história político-social da sociedade portuguesa. Desse modo, investiga-se o diálogo existente entre história e ficção, com a intenção de demonstrar como o ditador censura a palavra do outro para construir o discurso opaco do poder. Por fim, verifica-se o modo como é delineada a imagem do poder, inteligível através da metamorfose do Imperador em Dinossauro. / [en] The overall aim of this thesis is to analyze the fable Dinossauro Excelentíssimo, by José Cardoso Pires, identifying the procedures with which the author questions the relationships between censorship and the power of the word and, therefore, the political dimension that takes shape having this relationship as basis. This dissertation investigates, in the work cited, the strategies used by the author to create the story of a dictator character, the Emperor of the Tower of Seven Keys, who manipulates words with the purpose of spreading fear in the Kingdom of Mussels (a Kingdom), which enabled the writer to question the memories of everyday life in the Salazar dictatorship and incorporate, in fiction, historical facts that marked the political and social history of Portuguese society. Thus, the dialogue that exists between history and fiction in investigated with the intention of demonstrating how the dictator censors people s words to build the opaque discourse of power. Finally, it is verified the way in which the image of power is outlined, understandable through the metamorphosis of the Emperor into a Dinosaur. / [fr] Cette thèse vise à analyser la fable Dinossauro Excelentíssimo, de José Cardoso Pires, pour y identifier les procédures avec lesquelles l auteur interrogue les relations entre la censure et la puissance de la parole et donc la dimension politique qui est configuré de cette relation. L intention c est d observer, dans l ouvrage cité, les stratégies utilisées par l auteur pour créer l histoire d un caractère, personnage, dictateur, l empereur de la Tour des Sept Clés, qui gère des mots avec le but de la peur au tour du Reino dos Mexilhões, dans le ce qui a permis à l auteur de s interroger sur les souvenirs de la dictature de Salazar au jour le jour et à intégrer, dans la fiction, les faits historiques qui ont marqué l histoire politique et sociale de la société portugaise. Ainsi, nous étudions le dialogue entre histoire et fiction, avec le but de démontrer comment le dictateur censeure-t-il la parole de l autre pour construire le discours opaque du pouvoir. Enfin, il y a la façon dont elle est présentée l image du pouvoir, intelligible par la métamorphose de l empereur dans le Dinossauro.

Le travail du négatif, théorisé au départ par la philosophie, nous a aidés à approcher ce qui apparaît, à nos yeux, comme le cœur de notre étude, cette action qui semble profondément agiter le corpus de fictions choisies. Si le travail du négatif est un mouvement qui prend forme dans un contexte de polarisation où l’autre est toujours sous-entendu, s’il est agitation équivoque et instabilité, comment s’actualise-t-il chez Diderot ? En ce sens, l’étude des circonstances de production s’avère primordiale. Les censures et les réseaux ont une incidence sur les productions artistiques. De plus, les textes denses déploient des techniques de louvoiement qu’il convient de défaire. Des genres au rapport au réel, de la mise en fiction de la pensée aux catégories référentielles, les brouillages de pistes sont réitérés et accordent en fin de compte à la parole une place centrale. Face à ces informations, le travail du lecteur est complexe. Le déploiement de la pensée diderotienne, à travers la multiplicité, est-il lié à cette agitation « négative » ? Enfin, nous interrogeons encore cette impression de mouvement qui se dégage des textes étudiés. Tout se passe comme s’ils tendaient vers la préservation de la force et de la puissance du geste de penser, comme si en même temps entre philosophie et littérature, le style diderotien se construisait. La forme dialogique structure le texte. L’ironie et ses figures façonnent les phrases et les situations de sorte à placer le lecteur dans un inconfort actif, de sorte à répercuter sur lui les questionnements internes au texte et à le déborder. Ce travail du négatif, plus ou moins abondant selon les œuvres, remet en perspective la notion de littérarité. / The work of the negative, a concept that initiated in philosophy, allowed the researcher to tackle the core of this study, as this action appears to shake profoundly the corpus of fictional texts chosen. If the work of the negative is a movement, which is shaped within a context of polarisation where the other is always implied, if there is an ambiguous turmoil and inconstancy, how does it actualize in Diderot’s work? To this extent, the study of the context of writing is essential as censorship and networks impact the arts. Additionally, the density of the texts requires unpacking the rhetorical effect of the convoluted prose. From genres to the connection to reality, from fictionalization of thoughts to narrative mode, tracks are covered repeatedly, thicken the plot, and eventually grant the central places to speech. In light of this information, the reader’s task is intricate. Is this “negative” stir connected to Diderot’s unfolding his thoughts through multiplicity? Lastly, we will probe further the feeling of movement which emanates from the texts at hand. It is as if it converged towards preserving the strength and power of thinking, as if in the meantime at a cross section between philosophy and literature, the style of Diderot was shaping up. A dialogic form structures the writing. Irony and its features mold sentences and situations in order to place the reader in an active discomfort, it reverberates the questioning inherent to the writing, and overflows. The work of the negative, which can be found more or less profusely in Diderot’s work, puts the notion of literarity into perspective.

Esta dissertação teve como ponto de partida a constatação empírica de que houve, nas páginas de alguns jornais e revistas que circularam durante o regime militar brasileiro, um aparentemente paradoxal processo de “divulgação do proibido”. A publicação na imprensa de notas, referências e críticas sobre diversas interdições censórias foi aqui explicada pela existência de dois mecanismos distintos de atuação da Censura. Um deles, o controle de espetáculos feito pela Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas (DCDP), era caracterizado pelo perfil público e aberto. O outro, voltado para a imprensa e realizado pelo SIGAB, tinha o anonimato como principal característica de suas atividades. Como a clandestinidade era uma especificidade da censura à imprensa, estavam explicadas as inúmeras referências à censura localizadas no curso desta investigação, já que todas elas diziam respeito ao controle de diversões públicas (cinema, teatro, música, rádio, tv etc.). Depois de identificada a distinção de ethos das “duas censuras”, buscou-se as justificativas dessa clivagem, o que envolveu uma reflexão em dois eixos, quais sejam: 1) sobre a diferença de legitimidade legal das censuras à imprensa e às diversões públicas; e, ainda, 2) sobre as diferenças de legitimidade social às intervenções censórias de natureza política e àquelas com ênfase na moralidade e costumes. / This investigation had as starting point the empiric verification that there was, in the pages of newspapers and magazines that circulated during a period of the Brazilian military regime, a seemingly paradoxical process of “publishing of the forbidden”. That press notes, references and critics about many interdictions of censorship has its explanation in the fact that two different mechanisms of censor performance existed. One of them, the control of shows done by DCDP, Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas (Division of Censorship of Public Amusements), was characterized by the public profile, by the “opening” tendency. The other surveillance type, that followed the press and was accomplished by SIGAB, had as main characteristic the anonymity of its activities. As the secrecy was a specificity of the censorship towards the press, countless references regarding censorship were so explained. This, because all of them concerned the transparent control of public amusements (movies, theater, music, radio, tv). After identified the ethos distinction of the “two censorships”, we looked for its justifications, which involve a explanation sustained on two axles of reflection: the difference of legal legitimacy regarding the censorships towards the press and the public amusements and, moreover, the differences of social legitimacy and civilian support to the censorship interventions of political nature and of those with emphasis on morals and good habits.

No início da década de 60, um grupo de jovens cineastas dispostos a mudar os rumos do cinema brasileiro e da própria realidade social e política de seu público despontava de forma inédita no cenário internacional, conquistando a crítica dos festivais de cinema europeus. Durante a década de 70, o grupo que ficou conhecido como Cinema Novo sofreu transformações em decorrência da política cultural do regime instaurado com o golpe de 1964. Com uma proposta de desenvolvimento industrial para o cinema brasileiro, a ditadura civil-militar criou, em 1966, o Instituto Nacional de Cinema (INC) e, em 1969, a Empresa Brasileira de Filmes (EMBRAFILME). Esta tinha como finalidade a divulgação do cinema brasileiro no exterior. Paralelamente, a atividade da censura selecionava o que o público interno deveria ver. Da mesma forma, era a censura que liberava a exibição no exterior das películas brasileiras, através da chancela “Livre para Exportação.” Dispostos a seguir com sua proposta verdadeiramente nacional de cinema brasileiro, determinados diretores do Cinema Novo decidiram-se por buscar o diálogo com o Estado. Como resultado, suas obras alcançaram êxitos internacionais não concedidos à outra ordem de produção cinematográfica. Notou-se que as obras de maior repercussão no exterior não apresentavam nenhuma proximidade com a propaganda oficial do regime empreendida no âmbito interno, como, a princípio, suscita a existência da EMBRAFILME. Ademais, mesmo os filmes sem qualquer vínculo com o Estado em sua produção passavam pelo seu crivo por meio da censura. Dessa forma, surpreende que a imagem do Brasil enquanto produtor de cinema tenha sido construída por películas aparentemente tão distantes das evidentes intenções do regime. Partindo da criação da EMBRAFILME e da atuação da censura em relação a esse conjunto de filmes, este trabalho busca investigar a relação da ditadura imposta em 1964 com a inserção internacional do cinema brasileiro até a obra de Roberto Farias Pra frente, Brasil. / At the dawn of the 60s, a group of young cineastes keen to change the way Brazilian cinema was made and also willing to change the social and political reality of their public was standing out in the international scene, gathering much attention even from European film festivals critics. During the 70s, the group known as Cinema Novo (New Cinema) had to adapt to the regime’s cultural politics established in the 1964 coup d’état. Having a proposal of industrial development to the Brazilian cinema, the military and civil dictatorship created, in 1966, the National Cinema Institute (INC) and, in 1969, the Brazilian Movie Company (EMBRAFILME). Latter, aimed to take Brazilian cinema abroad. At the same time, the censorship selected what people in Brazil should watch. In the same way, it was also the censorship that unleashed the movies abroad by the tag Livre para Exportação (Free to Export). Willing to go on with its truly national Brazilian cinema core, some New Cinema directors tried to dialogue with the government. As a result, their movies reached international achievements not conceded to other cinematographic works. It was noticed that the most successful works in the international market had nothing to do with the official propaganda of the regime widespread in Brazil, as evokes EMBRAFILME`s genesis. Furthermore, even the movies that had no bond with the State on the production had to be approved by censorship. In that sense, it stands out that the image of Brazil as a cinema producer has been built by movies away from the regimes intentions. Starting from the origination of EMBRAFILME and the action of censorship on these movies, this work aims to investigate the relationship of the 1964 imposed dictatorship with the international insertion of Brazilian cinema until the Roberto Farias’s work Pra frente, Brasil.

L’objet de cette étude est d’offrir une vision à la fois d’ensemble et particulière sur les revues satiriques publiées durant les dernières années du franquisme et pendant Transition démocratique. En effet, de nombreux bouleversements politiques et sociaux s’opèrent entre 1970 et 1982, ce qui représente objectivement une période relativement courte mais très riche en événements dans l’histoire de l’Espagne et de la Catalogne. En ce qui concerne la presse, l’entrée en vigueur de la Ley de Prensa e Imprenta en mars 1966 marque un point d’inflexion car elle supprime la censure préalable et permet le développement de publications beaucoup plus critiques et irrévérencieuses au début des années 1970, tels que Mata Ratos, Barrabás ou Por Favor. Très imprégnées par la tradition satirique catalane (comme Xut!, El Be Negre ou ¡Cu-Cut!), les revues de cette époque sont aussi influencées par la presse française, américaine et anglaise (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Peu à peu, elles réussirent à fissurer le carcan de la censure au prix de nombreuses mises sous séquestre, jugements, suspensions et condamnations. Après deux années troublées entre 1976 et 1978 où les menaces d’attentats contre les rédactions sont de plus en plus oppressantes, l’avènement de la démocratie est le point de départ d’un nouveau type d’humour plus général et incarné par El Jueves, et basé sur des faits de société ou d’actualité. De par leur style particulier et les thèmes qu’elles abordent, ces revues satiriques marquent profondément la société et le moment politique dans lequel elles évoluent. Leur impact est toujours perceptible aujourd’hui puisqu’El Jueves continue d’être publiée en 2017. / The purpose of this thesis is to provide both an overview and an analysis of the satirical journals published during the last years of Francoism and the Democratic Transition. Indeed, the country underwent many dramatic political and social changes between 1970 and 1982, which objectively represents a relatively short, extremely eventful period in the history of Spain and Catalonia. As concerns the press, the coming into effect of the Ley de Prensa e Imprenta in March 1966 marked an inflection point by suppressing prior censorship and paving the way for much more critical and irreverent publications, such as Mata Ratos, Barrabás or Por Favor, at the beginning of the 1970’s. Very much in debt to Catalan satirical tradition (e.g. Xut!, El Be Negre or ¡Cu-Cut!), the publications of the time were also influenced by the French, American, and English press (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Gradually, they succeeded in breaking the straitjacket of censorship at the cost of numerous confiscations, trials, suspensions and condemnations. Following two troubled years between 1976 and 1978, when editorial offices were subject to increasingly oppressive threats of attack, the advent of democracy was the starting point of a new, more general type of humor embodied by El Jueves and based on societal and current events. Due to their specific style and to the themes they dealt with, these satirical journals made a deep mark on society and on the political period. Their impact has endured, since El Jueves is still published in 2017.

Este trabalho estuda a censura da peça e das canções de Calabar: o elogio da traição, de Chico Buarque e Ruy Guerra, ocorrida entre 1973 e 1980, durante o regime militar. A partir dos documentos armazenados no Arquivo Nacional, em Brasília, referentes ao acervo da Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas (DCDP) – subordinada ao Departamento de Polícia Federal (DPF) e responsável pela censura de peças teatrais, canções e filmes –, é possível recuperar a história dessa obra nos bastidores dos órgãos repressores. Com a análise dos papéis relacionados ao texto teatral e às canções, juntamente com o exame do LP lançado por Chico em 1973, Chico Canta, observamos que a DCDP fez cortes ao script e a algumas canções, além de proibir a gravação de outras músicas. Apesar dessas determinações, a Divisão emitiu o certificado liberatório para a encenação em 16 de maio de 1973, permitindoa ao público maior de idade. Entretanto, em 15 de janeiro de 1974, a montagem foi proibida em todo o território nacional pelo DPF. Meses antes do veto, o DPF avocara o script para reexame impedindo a estreia do espetáculo. Assim, Calabar ganhou os palcos somente em 1980, após o estabelecimento do Conselho Superior de Censura (CSC), composto por quinze membros – provenientes do governo e da sociedade – com objetivo de rever os vetos proferidos pela ditadura. O CSC avaliou o percurso da peça na censura e concluiu que o veto do DPF não seguiu a recomendação de liberação da DCDP. Por meio do estudo desse e de outros documentos, verificamos que os censores avaliavam tanto o conteúdo político quanto o moral. Percebemos, inclusive, casos em que os profissionais do veto identificaram o teor de crítica política do texto ou das canções, mas optaram pela liberação. Em algumas músicas, provavelmente, por considerar a crítica política sutil e de difícil compreensão pelo público. No caso da encenação, por preferirem esperar o ensaio geral para avaliar a montagem da cena e, se julgassem necessário, proferirem novos cortes. O trabalho visa compreender por que Chico e Ruy buscam um episódio do século XVII para questionar o regime ditatorial vigente e porque Polícia Federal se incomodou tanto com a obra composta pela dupla. / This work presents an analysis of the censorship applied upon both the play itself and the songs that compose Calabar: o elogio da traição (Calabar: the compliment on betrayal, free translation), written by Chico Buarque and Ruy Guerra. The object of this work is the censorship which took place between the years of 1973 and 1980, during Brazil’s military regime. From the documents that were filed in the National Archive, in the city of Brasilia, which former belonged to the Divisão de Censura de Diversões Públicas’ (DCDP) – an organ linked to the Brazilian Federal Police, in charge of censoring public entertainment such as plays, songs and films – collection, it is possible to reconstruct the history of Calabar from inside the repressive organs. By studying the documents related to the play and its songs, as well as the LP released by Chico Buarque in 1973, Chico Canta (Chico sings, free translation), we could observe that the DCDP removed parts of the script and songs, and prevented the artist from recording some other songs. Furthermore, the DCDP issued a certificate releasing the play on May 16th, 1973, but only allowing people over 18 years of age to attend to it. However, on January 15th, 1974, the play was forbidden in all national territory by the Brazilian Federal Police (DPF). Months before the veto, the DPF asked the script back for reexamination, which prevented the play’s debut. Calabar was staged only in 1980, after the Censorship Council (CSC) was created. The CSC had 15 members – from both the government and the society – and the purpose of reviewing the vetos from the military. They examined the play and concluded that the veto did not follow DCDP’s recommendation for releasing it. After analyzing the documents, we verified that the censors evaluated both the political and moral contents. Remarkably, there were even some cases in which the censors could see the political content within the text or songs, but chose to release them. It is possible that they released some songs because they considered the criticism to be very subtle and difficult for the public to understand. In the case of the play itself, we believe they chose to wait for the dress rehearsal to judge the scene and, if necessary, make further cuts. This work aims to clarify why Chico Buarque and Ruy Guerra resorted to an 18th century episode to question the dictatorial government and why their work bothered so much the Federal Police.

The dissertation thesis examines czech literary censorship after 1989. It presents a polemical addition to a monograph published one year earlier entitled V obecném zájmu [In the General Interest], which covered the same period. The main methodological resource is represented by the books of a British theatrologist Helen Freshwater, who based her inclusive model of censorship on the border crossing of hard and soft censorship. Moreover, she moved her emphasis on discourse as the main indicator of what is considered a censor´s intervention in a particular historical moment. The core of the thesis consists of four chapters, which on the basis of the original research examine the typical cases of censorship and related discourse. These chapters are included in a broader frame of a changing notion of censorship and political correctness in the discussed period. The chapter devoted to the banned skinhead music group Braník is based on the examination of the respective court´s files and the analysis of the changing notion of freedom of speech in the beginning of the 1990s. The chapter about the censorship of literature for children and youth is based on the comparison of various editions of books written by Bohumil Říha. Furthermore, the conditions are observed, under which the interventions to these new editions were identified as censorship. Censorship on internet is treated in the chapter devoted to the regulation of the virtual (literary) child pornography, while the chapter devoted to political correctness focuses on texts and paratexts of splatterpunk literature. This doctoral work should offer a complex picture of changing ways of censorship and thinking after 1989.

O período da história brasileira que abrange os anos de 1964 a 1985 a ditadura militar se caracterizou pela mobilização popular e pela necessidade de mudança social. Clamava-se por uma libertação das opressões históricas que a maioria do povo vinha sofrendo. Paradoxalmente, foi um momento de forte autoritarismo e de violação dos direitos sociais e humanos. Naquele contexto, o episcopado nordestino assumiu um papel revolucionário ao se distanciar do governo militar e transgredir em favor do povo da região. Treze bispos e cinco religiosos assinaram Eu ouvi os clamores do meu povo e foram perseguidos pela censura militar. Neste trabalho foi analisado aquele documento no qual diversos aspectos econômicos, sociais, políticos e religiosos foram apresentados; ressaltamos o esforço dos prelados na construção, preservação e circulação das informações acerca do escrito eclesial. Apesar da relevância daquele texto, tão importante para o catolicismo brasileiro e nordestino, defrontamo-nos com uma escassa documentação sobre sua repercussão na imprensa escrita em Pernambuco, bem como em órgãos oficiais da Igreja Católica e do regime militar, dado o momento histórico vivido quando da sua divulgação. No entanto, apesar dos entraves e das limitações, Eu ouvi os clamores do meu povo fez seu percurso e assinalou um passo importante na trajetória política da Igreja Católica no Brasil. / The period of Brazilian history covering the years 1964 to 1985 - the military dictatorship - was characterized by the popular mobilization and the need for social change. Claimed by a release of historical oppression that most of the people had been suffering. Paradoxically, it was a time of strong authoritarianism and violations of social and human rights. In that context, the northeastern bishops took a revolutionary role in distancing theirselvs from the military government and transgress on behalf of the people of the region. Thirteen bishops and five religious signed "I heard the cries of my people" and were persecuted by the military censorship. In this work, that document in which various economic, social, political and religious aspects were presented was analyzed; we highlight the efforts of prelates in the construction, preservation and dissemination of information about the ecclesial writing. Despite the relevance of that text, so important for the Brazilian and Northeast Catholicism, we are faced with a scant documentation about its impact on print media in Pernambuco, as well as in official agencies of the Catholic Church and the military regime, given the lived historical moment when disclosure. However, despite the obstacles and limitations, I heard the cries of my people made their path and marked an important step in the political history of the Catholic Church in Brazil.