謝慶生. / 本論文於1997年7月呈交. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院社會學部, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 168-181. / 中英文摘要. / Xie Qingsheng. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 硏究背景中國基督敎村的現象 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 硏究出發點：今日、昨日 ----極度相似的信徒分布型態 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- 硏究意義:一個久爲人熟知但未被重視的課題 --- p.7 / Chapter 1.4 --- 硏究方法：微觀的定質硏究法 --- p.9 / Chapter 1.5 --- 硏究限制 --- p.12 / Chapter 1.6 --- 論文內容安排 --- p.13 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中國農村結構與基督敎傳播： 一個複合的理論架構 --- p.15 / Chapter 2.1 --- 宗敎皈依 --- p.15 / Chapter 2.2 --- 參照群體與社區權力運作 --- p.19 / Chapter 2.3 --- 差序格局 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4 --- 世系群關係 --- p.23 / Chapter 第三章 --- 文獻回顧：中國基督敎社區的地域性硏究 --- p.28 / Chapter 3.1 --- 皈依原因探素 --- p.32 / Chapter 3.2 --- 信仰二分的現象 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.3 --- 敎會領袖的角色 --- p.36 / Chapter 3.1 --- 基督敎本色化 --- p.38 / Chapter 第四章 --- 基督敎村的形成和發展 …莆田大規模皈依的外在動力 --- p.42 / Chapter 4.1 --- 關鍵時刻:國民政府時期的危機與契機 --- p.42 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- 二十世紀的中國基督敎 --- p.43 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- 二十世紀初F省的基督敎 --- p.45 / Chapter 4.2 --- 窮山惡水的偏遠山區 --- p.47 / Chapter 4.3 --- 神的敎會的傳敎政策及社會服務 --- p.52 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- 二十世紀初的松溪縣基督敎槪況 --- p.52 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- 神的敎會在中國 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- 莆田敎會的發展 --- p.56 / Chapter 第五章 --- 基督敎村的形成和發展 …莆田大規模皈依的內在動力 --- p.63 / Chapter 5.1 --- 以世系群爲基礎 --- p.63 / Chapter 5.2 --- 以士紳爲第一推動因素 --- p.71 / Chapter 5.3 --- 以神蹟奇事爲起動器 --- p.82 / Chapter 5.4 --- 以自我實踐爲催化劑 --- p.87 / Chapter 5.5 --- 以本色化爲調節器 --- p.94 / Chapter 5.5.1 --- 取代與超越 --- p.95 / Chapter 5.5.2 --- 包容與轉換 --- p.98 / Chapter 5.5.3 --- 摒棄與停留 --- p.100 / Chapter 5.6 --- 小結:“S´ح字的納新模型 --- p.103 / Chapter 第六章 --- 信與不信----信仰二分的眞象 --- p.107 / Chapter 6.1 --- 士紳與保長----階級 --- p.109 / Chapter 6.2 --- 利民與世恆----第一推動力 --- p.114 / Chapter 6.3 --- 白與黃----世系群不和 --- p.117 / Chapter 6.4 --- 局限與界限----傳播的制約 --- p.124 / Chapter 6.4.1 --- 利民的局限 --- p.124 / Chapter 6.4.2 --- 白氏的界限 --- p.127 / Chapter 6.5 --- 父權與婦女----女性在文化傳播的角色 --- p.134 / Chapter 6.6 --- 小結:主的宗敎與祖的宗敎 --- p.139 / Chapter 第七章 --- 宗敎的衰退與復興 --- p.142 / Chapter 7.1 --- 宗敎衰退----中國敎會的嚴冬 --- p.142 / Chapter 7.2 --- 宗敎復興----等候春天的到臨 --- p.146 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結論：一個¯‘ة待開發的課題 --- p.151 / Chapter 8.1 --- 從文化的角度看基督敎的發展和局限 --- p.151 / Chapter 8.2 --- 現象的理論化和通則：一個有待延續的問題 --- p.154 / 附註一：硏究內人物簡介及關係圖 --- p.157 / 附註二：傳道人敎授的部份詩歌摘錄 --- p.160 / 附註三：傳道人敎授的基督敎三字經 --- p.167 / 參考書目 --- p.178

As a conclusion, the Chinese state's coercive capacity that has been solidified under enforced "decentralization" in the reform era, does not necessarily coincide with state building theories that are based on Western European countries' historical experiences. Western theories regard "modern state building" as a process within which the state gradually centralizes and monopolizes the coercive power "from top to bottom." However, the development pattern of state coercive capacity in China during the reform era suggests a somewhat different path composed of two stages: decentralization from top to bottom and re-centralization from top to bottom. In this sense, the experience of solidifying state coercive capacity in reform China enriches existing state building theories by adding a new angle for understanding state building. / First, decentralization of coercive force characterizes the institutional arrangement that undergirds state coercion in reform China Enforced decentralization reflects historical continuity of institutional design in state coercion; at the same time, "devolution of power" has been the center's strategy to mobilize resources from localities more effectively, while making localities to cope with challenges rising from transitional local society directly. Based on a panel data of provincial level localities in 1988-2004 period, and a field research in three county-level localities of Shandong province, this study finds out that "enforced decentralization" has contributed to the growth of police force. Though, depending on each locality's specific situation, the degree that decentralization has contributed to the reinforcement of local coercive capacity has some variations. Additionally, through a "two-way fixed effect regression model," I examined existing theories that have explained reinforcement of state coercive capacity. It was found out that the key determinants for the growth of state coercive capacity in reform China includes: crime rate, economic development, revenue, and urban-rural division in localities. / In post-Mao era, the police forces were perceived to be CCP's instrument for controlling society rather than the state's apparatus for guaranteeing crime control and law enforcement. The reform, however, changed Chinas social landscape greatly. Along with the transformation in the functions of the state, the functions of the police forces experienced changes as well. Through an empirical study, this research discusses how variations in institutional arrangement put impact on the state's capability of exerting coercion. By unpacking the development of basic power structure in reform China (state coercion and police forces), and by examining the underlying mechanism of such development, this research attempts to explore how the functions of the state as well as the nature of governance in China has been transformed. / Second, along with the development of state coercion mechanism under decentralization, some negative effects of state-enforced decentralization have also started to come out. In order to maintain a sustainable development of state coercive capability, at the latter period of reform, the state started to re-emphasize central monitoring and administrative centralization. While strengthening the center's monitor and control over local police apparatus through reorganization of public security administrative system, the center also attempted to facilitate its penetration into local society. Nevertheless, it has been found out through my fieldwork that the effort of re-centralizing the coercive power is greatly constrained by decentralized institutions that have been established in the earlier stage of the reform era. / The object of this research is police force in reform China: the context and mechanism that enabled transition in state coercive capacity in the reform era. Three things have been aimed in this research: first, to describe how state coercive capacity has been developed in China; second, to analyze how the establishment of relevant institutional mechanism has affected state coercive capacity and how those institutions work; third, to explore how the state has made a functional transition in governing local society which is getting more diversified. / Third, the growth of police force indicates the growth of fundamental governing capacity of the state. It has influenced the pattern and even the nature of governance in China tremendously. The tradition in Chinese administration, "centralized minimalism" at grassroots level, would be revitalized and strengthened throughout the reform. At the same time, with the changes in external conditions that affect governing capacity, state apparatus under the Chinese Communist Party's control is in functional transition: from "controlling a few dangerous classes in society" to "answering to diversified demands on security within society." / 樊鵬. / Adviser: Shaoguang Wang. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2231. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 312-322). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Fan Peng.

許慶豫. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (p. 346-364) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Xu Qingyu. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (p. 346-364) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

In this dissertation, the phrase 'Christian Citizen' refers to those Christians who possess a strong sense of identity, believing in Christianity and upholding the corresponding faith while fulfilling civic responsibility and loving one's country. Through gathering and investigating into the personal letters, works and reports and so on of Liu, this dissertation renders an in-depth exploration of Liu's analysis on national character, views on citizenship and his blueprint of the Civic Education Movement. More importantly, Liu did not resort to empty talk but walked the talk, integrating faith with daily life. Throughout his whole life, including, in the early days, the Career Guidance Movement and his work at the Y.M.C.A., his presidency at the University of Shanghai and fmally the righteous action in defending against Japanese invasion during the latter days, the quality of Liu, in being loyal to one's nation, displaying care and concern for the society, living out and walking one's faith whole-heartedly was evident. His life manifested the unification of the roles and functions of a Christian citizen of one's nation, with Christian citizenship vividly lived out. Special investigation would be made into a rarely noted work headed by Liu, Y.M.C.A.'s Civic Education Movement in the 1920s, under the slogan 'Saving Nation through Character'. The origins, effectiveness and characteristics of the Movement would be explored. This study concludes with revealing, through Liu's life, the characteristics of being a Christian citizen and examines the choice of the advocators of 'Saving Nation through Character'. / There is a saying: "One more Christian, one fewer Chinese". It implies a conflict between an Ascribed Identity (Chinese) and an Achieved Identity (Christian). The former is an inherited and irreversible blood relationship while the latter is acquired after birth, being a self-converted social role. Undeniably, conflict of identities brought about bewilderment and impact to Chinese Christians in late Qing and Early Republican eras, causing identity crisis. Role identification is a process of getting to know oneself in terms of cognition, attitude and behavior, affecting daily life and instilling meaning of life. Quite a number of researches in the past emphasized the mental struggle and torture suffered by Chinese Christians under the seemingly incompatibility of the two identities. However, identity crisis is by no means impossible to do away with or integrated. This research attempts to show that ascribed identity and achieved identity can be integrated harmoniously through identify negotiation. The case of Liu Zhan-en (1896--1938) clearly demonstrated roles of being a citizen on earth and that of heavenly kingdom need not be an either-or option. Christians are not only citizens of the eternal heavenly kingdom, but also contemporary citizens on earth. One can live in serving the Lord with piety while obeying legal requirements stipulated by the government. Devoted and sound citizenship could be harmoniously integrated to be 'Christian Citizen'. / 黃錦暉. / Adviser: Yuen Sang Leung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-03, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 221-252). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Huang Jinhui.

Yun Wai Foo. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-169). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / CONTENTS --- p.1 / TABLES AND FIGURES --- p.2 / Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.3 / Problem of Culture in the Cultural Revolution --- p.3 / History of Print and Read in the Cultural Revolution： A Social Prelude to Maoism --- p.14 / Chapter II. --- HEGEMONY AND BOOK PRINTING IN COMMUNIST CHINA --- p.26 / Ideological Determination and Book Industry --- p.26 / Book Printing in the Cultural Revolution --- p.32 / Chapter III. --- SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE IN THE PRC --- p.44 / Knowledge in the PRC --- p.44 / Inefficacy of cultural reproduction in the cultural revolution --- p.52 / Chapter IV --- HISTORY OF READING IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION --- p.74 / Collective Memory and the Cultural Revolution --- p.74 / Chinese Reading Myth： Simply Read Marx ？ --- p.81 / What People Read ？ Alternative Reading in Communist China …… --- p.97 / How People Read? The Way and War to Knowledge --- p.115 / Construction of Intellectual Network in the Cultural Revolution --- p.122 / Chapter V --- CONCLUSION --- p.134 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.139

張歡華. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-168) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Huanhua.

by Ma Kei. / Thesis submitted in: June 1998. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 183-189). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Background and Objectives of Study --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Past Studies on the RRM and the LRM --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.1 --- Rural Reconstruction Movements --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.2 --- CCP Land Reform Movements --- p.8 / Chapter 1.3 --- Peasant Studies and Peasant's View of Life --- p.21 / Chapter 1.4 --- Methodology --- p.24 / Chapter 1.5 --- Outline of Chapters --- p.25 / Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK --- p.27 / Chapter 2.1 --- Peasant Culture --- p.27 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Dimension of Peasant Culture --- p.34 / Chapter 2.3 --- The Content of Peasant's View of Life --- p.38 / Chapter 2.4 --- Peasant's View of Life and Peasant's Action --- p.41 / Chapter 2.5 --- Peasants' View of Life and Peasant Collective Actions --- p.45 / Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- FROM MODERNIZATION TO MOBILIZATION --- p.55 / Chapter 3.1 --- Bankruptcy of the Peasant Society and the Corruption of the Great and Small Traditions --- p.57 / Chapter 3.2 --- Chinese Culture and Chinese Development --- p.63 / Chapter 3.3 --- The Village as a Starting Point --- p.70 / Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- HISTORICAL PROFILE OF RRM AND LRM --- p.80 / Chapter 4.1 --- Rural Reconstruction Movement --- p.80 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Shandong Rural Reconstruction Institute --- p.82 / Chapter 4.2 --- Chinese Communist Party Revolutionary Movement --- p.88 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Western Fujian Revolutionary Base --- p.92 / Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- CONTACT AND INTERACTION --- p.99 / Chapter 5.1 --- "Predominance of Peasants ""Image of Limited Good""" --- p.101 / Chapter 5.2 --- Breaking into the Village Community --- p.112 / Chapter 5.3 --- Utilizing Existing Peasant Community Networks --- p.113 / Chapter 5.4 --- Mobilization through the Establishment of New Forms of Peasant Organization --- p.123 / Chapter CHAPTER 6 --- INTERACTION AND TRANSFORMATION --- p.136 / Chapter 6.1 --- Induction by Material and Social Incentives --- p.138 / Chapter 6.2 --- Institutional Transformation of Peasant View of Life --- p.150 / Chapter 6.3 --- Ideological Confrontation --- p.164 / Chapter 6.4 --- Final Episode of the Transformation Process --- p.171 / Chapter CHAPTER 7 --- CONCLUSION --- p.176 / Chapter 7.1 --- Collective Action through Transformation: Change in the Peasant View --- p.176 / Chapter 7.2 --- Peasant View of Life Reconsidered --- p.180 / Chapter 7.3 --- "Rethinking ""Image of Limited Good""" --- p.181 / Chapter 7.4 --- Limitations of the Study and Directions of Future Research --- p.182 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.183

Ever since the judicial reform in late Qing, all aspects linking to China law reforms were forced to be aligned with the national goal of abolishing the unequal treaties between China and foreign powers. Forty years' legal history, as the epochal era in shaping the modern Chinese legal system, became an integral part of history of the national movement against unequal treaties. Within the period where Ju Zheng was dominant in the sphere of law, the judiciary under party control and the nation-wide discussions on China new legal system were two successive processes of the national movement: the former was meant to create solidarity and political space needed for the anti-unequal-treaties movement, and the latter was measured to offer cultural continuity and identity consensus essential for national autonomy en course toward modernity. What's more, nationalism became the overarching ideology in legal sphere during Ju's times, and its repercussions helped foment a solid legal nationalization movement. This movement was embodied in organizations at the national level, namely the National Conference of Justices and the National Association in Jurisprudence of Republic of China. Second, the movement has two essential features: Party control over the judiciary and building of a new Chinese legal system. In this legal nationalization movement, Ju Zheng was the central figure and leader from the beginning right through the end. / For more than sixteen years (1932-1948) Mr. Ju Zheng was the most influential figure of the national judiciary under the Nanjing Regime, making the case of his legal thoughts and practices highly illustrative of the legal history of modern China. Building on Mr. Ju's personal background and experiences, this thesis attempts to foster a better understanding of Ju Zheng and his era in terms of legal history. / This thesis consists of five chapters: The first chapter introduces the scope of inquiry, the main themes of the study, the sources and the literature on this subject. Next chapter documents Ju Zheng's efforts in tackling the problems of Supreme Court inherited from his predecessors during his first three years in the key position of the judiciary. The third Chapter deals with the process of party control over the judiciary. In hindsight, this process went through two stages: first, it was a project to revolutionize the justices which ended up making most judges party members; the atmosphere of the next stage manifested in an article of Ju Zheng which called attentions to efficacious partisan indoctrinations and to ground nationalism as the guideline for the justices. This process of intermingling of the judiciary and the party did generate some positive results. For instance, it created a vigorous nation-wide movement to seek abolition of the unequal treaties with foreign powers, which later on undergirded the judicial pattern of deciding amnesty cases by Ju Zheng judiciary. Chapter four explores the legal nationalization movements initiated from the National Conference of Justices in the year of 1935, vividly epitomized in the following nation-wide discussions in 1930s and 1940s on how to create a new legal system embedded in China context. The discussions eventually converged to two distinct lines: the first line claimed that it was the long-lasting Chinese culture (zhong guo gu you) that was to become the starting-point for a new legal system; in contrast, the second line argued for "rebuilding" (chong xin jian li ) a new legal system for the modern China. The last chapter offers a few concluding remarks. / 江照信. / Adviser: Billy So Kee-long. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2184. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-190). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Jiang Zhaoxin.

This essay examines the relationship between national consciousness and the Communist Revolution in China between the years 1921 and 1928. / In tracing the trajectory of the national consciousness in our stipulated time period we can discern three distinct phases in its manifestation. Up until 1919 national consciousness was confined primarily to an intellectual elite whose primary concern was the decadence of the Imperial and Confucian state. Following the May Fourth movement (1919), these concerns came to be diffused amongst the urban population. / After the formation of the Chinese Communist Party, the Party addressed nationalist concerns by focusing on the role of imperialists and warlords. This continued following the alliance with the Nationalist Party, the Guomindang, under the United Front. / By 1925 there was the growth of populist movements with distinctly anti-imperialist overtones. The same time also saw a growing interest in the potential of the peasantry as the vanguard for the nationalist revolution. After the April 12, 1927 coup, the Party focused exclusively on the peasantry to carry on with the Nationalist Revolution.

The purpose of this study is to arrive at a critical overview of politics and literature in the Chinese context. The relationship has increasingly become a "field" of studies and theoretical inquiry that most scholars in either disciplines are wary to tread. This thesis tries to venture into this problematic field by a theoretical examination as well as an empirical critique of Chinese literature and politics, where the relationship seems even more paradoxical, but adds more insight into the argument. The Introduction and Chapter One set up a framework by asking some general but fundamental questions: what literature is, and how it is to be related to politics. Chapter Two examines the historical function of literature and Chinese writers in society to establish the basis of argument in the Chinese context. Chapter Three focuses the discussion on the relationship between politics and literature during the Mao era and after. Chapters Four analyses the literary works published during the post-Mao period to establish the argument that literature, as part of our perception of the world, is most concerned with human society and social amelioration and participates in the socio-political development by contributing to it through a discourse that is otherwise inaccessible. Chapter Five explores the argument further by extending it into the field of cinema, which basically comes from the same narrative tradition of prose literature, but offers a wider and different dimension to the argument pursued. Chapter Six and the Conclusion try to draw together the argument by examining literature as both form and content to argue how and why literature is related to politics and how it has functioned in a political manner in Chinese society. To summarise, Chinese literature in this period will b& shown to be involved In a process of political reform and development by way of bringing the reader to participate in a critical and philosophical dialogue with power, history and future. In the long run, it offers emancipating visions and possibilities revealed to the reader in ways that are historical, developmental, philosophical and comparative. This study focuses on the prose fiction published in this period, for it is the leading force in China's cultural development and constitutes the major trunk of the modern Chinese canon. In addition, the research also extends to drama and films, and the way they, together with prose fiction, make up the most popular perception and intellectual discovery of contemporary Chinese society and politics and best inform the argument of the study of politics and literature.