On account of China¡¦s dynamic economic growth, its relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states to its south have expanded rapidly in recent years, culminating in the conclusion of the landmark ¡§China-ASEAN Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement¡¨ in 2002. Beyond trade and economic activities, China-ASEAN cooperation has been broadened to cover environment, science and technology, non-traditional security areas and related legal issues. Thus, China¡¦s relations with ASEAN have reached a new era where the two sides have established an economic, political and legal framework for their comprehensive cooperation. Of course, economic cooperation is most important in China-ASEAN relations. The most significant of the initiatives, in terms of members, is the China¡VASEAN Free Trade Area now under negotiation and will be established in 2010. If agreement is reached, this will be the world¡¦s biggest free trade area, encompassing 2 billion people, a collective GDP of almost US$2 trillion, and intra-regional trade of US$1.2 trillion. On the political aspect, China succeeded by means of the bilateral cooperation in economy and trade reached to sign the agreement of ¡§on Strategic Partnership for Peace and Prosperity¡¨ and ¡§Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea¡¨. China also accessed ¡§Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia¡¨ in 2003. These movements want to eliminate the ¡§China threaten¡¨ concepts which exist in the ASEAN countries. China, however, needs stable international environment to expand its economy. The aim of this dissertation is to examine the China¡¦s roles and strategies in the process of forming a new Asian regionalism. Currently, Ease Asia is witnessing the emergence of a few trade blocs and many ambitious projects implying closer integration in the region. According to the neo-realist perspective, regionalism is developing more full in those areas of the word where there is a local hegemonic power that is able to create and maintain regional institution. China to make use of regional hegemony offers the public goods stabilizing and developing its relations with ASEAN countries. On the basis of friendly neighboring diplomacy and peaceful rise, China and ASEAN will create free trade area, cooperate to achieve various kinds of sub-region developing, and initiate security mechanism (include the non-traditional security). China would like to build a ¡§China-ASEAN regionalism¡¨ by means of comprehensive cooperation in the future.

The focus of this research is the relationship between economic cooperation and security regime in the East Asia based on the theory of neo-functionalism. After the Cold War, the economic cooperation in the East Asia become deeper, meanwhile, the North Korea's nuclear problem is still the hotspot in the East Asia. In the process of cooperation in the East Asia, the relationship between economic cooperation and security regime is complementary, which could solve the North Korea's nuclear problem. The process and frame of the relationship between economic cooperation and security regime in the East Asia, will be analyzed in this thesis for offering the government¡¦s decision-making about the possibility of Taiwan¡¦s engagement in the regional cooperation in East Asia.

With the world to accelerate the pace of economic globalization, the international economic and trade exchanges between the increasingly frequent, convention and exhibition industry as the 21st century, one of the three smoke-free green industry, which has led high-economic effect of the urban economy will play a non - invaluable role in promoting. In view of the host city for the exhibition industry can be derived from the surrounding economic benefits, both countries attach considerable importance to the development of the local exhibition industry, convention and exhibition industry as a dynamic and broad prospects for the sunrise industry. Since mainland China since the reform and opening in 1978, first announced in 2002 on the exhibition industry in the national economy of the output data, and their integration into the national industrial classification system, convention and exhibition industry in China is currently in long-term. With China's rapid economic growth, the exhibition industry in recent years, the CPC has attached great importance, the rapid development in the city, based on differences in local conditions, achievements such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and other characteristics of the well-known stars Convention and Exhibition City, Mainland China's exhibition industry of the city are gradually developed. In this paper, explore the exhibition industry in the overall development of China's situation, and analysis of the Guangxi regional development in the characteristics, as well as its exhibition industry generated, and in-depth study ¢w China- ASEAN Expo, the contents of its operations to assess the effectiveness of such measures. Comprehensive Analysis of the parties, outline the Convention and Exhibition Industry in China's development model.

After Cold war, the trend of economical globalization has led the region cooperation development. As China is going to focus on economic growing, its good neighborhood policy is most important especially in East Asia.In 2002, ASEAN and China decide to build up a free trade area between each other. The China-ASEAN free trade area is expected to be an important economic area in 2010. The study is using Neo-functionalism to analyze China¡¦s policy in East Asia.To explore the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area ,its circumstance and development.

近年來區域經濟整合風潮日漸蓬勃發展，十餘年前在中國大陸倡議下，與東協共組「中國－東協自由貿易區」。成立後該自貿區內擁有19億人口，區域生產總值近6兆美元，貿易總額達4.5兆美元，也是全球人口最多的自由貿易區。在雙邊歷經多年談判，即將正式成立自由貿易區的時點上，印尼卻發聲要求延遲實施「中國－東協自由貿易協定」（CAFTA），便使人感到疑惑與不解。究竟東協各國對於區域經濟整合的態度為何？印尼政府和企業是否做好了產業衝擊的評估報告，並提出因應之道？ 　　印尼國內自2009年中起感受到自貿區成立後將對國內產業帶來巨大衝擊，紛紛透過媒體和國會等管道，要求印尼政府暫緩全面實施零關稅。印尼政府亦評估將有228項產品會受到中國大陸產品的嚴重衝擊，而向東協秘書處遞函要求重新協商。嗣後自身考量重新協商曠日廢時、耗費大量勞力物力又緩不濟急，轉而尋求與中國大陸直接對話，雙邊就貨品關稅調降、貿易不均衡的處理方式及促進兩國產業合作等進行討論，最終獲得七項共識，其中中國大陸承諾當貿易不均衡的情況發生時，出超國將有義務增加對入超國的進口，並且協助對方產品的行銷推廣。印尼政府與中國大陸的直接對話所獲得的共識，普遍得到印尼國內的肯定，讓先前爭議問題暫時平歇。然印尼國內更關注協議的實際運作狀況，能否真正發揮效用，亦有待時間的考驗。 　　綜觀此次爭議，印尼官方和民間過往忽視產業的升級和轉型、未提前做好自貿區的因應準備，導致臨屆成立之日，才急的像熱鍋上的螞蟻。印尼擁有豐富的自然資源及充沛的勞動力，可說是未來經濟發展的耀眼新星，如能把握自貿區成立後的契機，結合中國大陸的技術及資金，雙邊進行優勢產業互補合作，兩國未來的發展將無可限量。2015年TPP及RCEP即將成立，屆時中國大陸、東協都將扮演更重要的角色，印尼如能做好完善的準備，相信將能乘著兩大區域貿易組織的翅膀，飛向更璀璨耀眼的明天。

冷戰時期，東南亞區域發展受限於美蘇軍事力量的影響而互有對峙。直至21世紀初，隨著美、蘇兩國在東南亞部署的部分軍事力量移轉，加上中國大陸持續經濟成長與綜合國力的提升，使得在深化與東南亞周邊外交關係發展上，創造出有利條件，中共藉由經濟合作與軍事手段執行其在東南亞地區的睦鄰政策，以符合其在亞太地區周邊外交的戰略作為。 中共對東南亞國家周邊外交，主要係以政治和睦、經濟互利、安全互信等三個面向為基礎目標，試圖建構一個和平穩定的亞太周邊環境。首先在政治上，主要作法是強化與周邊國家政治關係，透過領導人出訪與各領域、各層級工作會議召開以及各國政治協定的簽署，全面提升與東南亞各國雙邊關係；其次在經濟上，主要在雙邊與多邊關係上加強與周邊國家的經濟合作，推動區域經濟一體化，並透過自由貿易區的計畫，次區域合作與經濟援助，強化在東南亞的影響力，藉成立「中國-東協自由貿易區」拉攏東協各國家；再者在安全上，加強解決與周邊國家解決在領土與領海主權上的爭議，與周邊國家建立雙邊軍事互信機制，參與多邊安全機制，如：參與「東協區域論壇」，及《東南亞友好合作條約》的加入等，藉以營造區域內負責任的大國形象。 中共在周邊外交戰略中，在東南亞區域議題是基於國家周邊安全與區域安全的考量，與中美大國關係的建立重要議題。在2009年美國總統歐巴馬上任之後，宣示美國「重返亞洲」企圖，並啟動多項亞太政策，著墨於區域多邊途徑，其政策亦正逐步落實中，美國對亞太區域發展影響力隨之增加。然而因美國在亞太長期的戰略影響力，重新關注東南亞地區，並以東南亞為軍事戰略重點，也使得中共在制訂對東南亞區域戰略過程與考量，須同時考慮美國影響因素的存在性。 同時，在中國大陸本身國家安全戰略考量之下與東南亞各國家合作，將有利於其國家整體發展與國家核心利益的維持，然中共在東南亞區域的整體戰略，同時牽動中共整體的周邊外交戰略。 / During the Cold War Era, the development of Southeast Asia region was limited and caused confrontations because of the influence of military power posed by Soviet-American arm race. Not until the beginning of 21st century, Soviet Union and United States’ transition of parts of military deployment in Southeast Asia region, couple with Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) continual economic growth and developing overall national strength, have created favorable conditions for CCP in developing and deepening diplomatic relations within Southeast Asia region. Moreover, through economic cooperation and military means, CCP carries out neighborhood policy in accordance to its diplomatic strategy in Southeast Asia region. CCP’s good neighbor foreign policy in Southeast Asia region mainly focuses on political harmony, economic common benefits as well as security and mutual-trust. All the above are fundamental goals in order to construct a peaceful and stable Asia-Pacific region. First, to start with politics, CCP strengthens political relations with neighboring countries through Key leader engagements, working conferences in all fields and levels as well as signing political agreements to enhance bilateral relationship among Southeast Asia countries. Second, followed by economics, in bilateral or multi-lateral economic cooperation with neighboring states, to promote regional economy integration and strengthen the CCP’s influence in Southeast Asia by plan of free trade area, sub-regional cooperation and assistance of economy. Also, CCP establishes ASEAN–China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) in order to win ASEAN over. Third, in terms of security, CCP endeavors to resolve territory and maritime territory disputes with neighboring countries, sets up a bilateral military mutual trust mechanism, and participates in a multi-lateral security mechanism. For instance, CCP’s participation as a member of ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) is able to create an image as a responsible rising power in the region. In CCP’s strategy of neighboring diplomacy, the issues are based on national and regional security in Southeast Asia region and how to built Sino-American relations. After the inauguration of Barack Obama in 2009, he declared the intention of pivot or rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific region, and launched several Asia-Pacific policies describing the regional multilateral approach and gradually implementing policies as result of increasing of United States’ influence in Asia-Pacific region. However, the long-term strategic influence of United States of America in Asia, US’s pivot to Southeast Asia region, and military strategy focusing on Southeast Asia force CCP to consider the factors of influence of United States when CCP formulates Southeast Asia region strategies. In the meantime, under the consideration of CCP’s national security strategy, to cooperate with Southeast Asia countries is beneficial CCP’s overall national development and in maintaining national essential interests. In short, CCP’s overall strategy in Southeast Asia affects its neighboring diplomatic strategies simultaneously.