Since the antiquity, the Book of Change (Zhouyi 周易) has been praised as the leading scripture among the five classics (with the Book of Documents [Shangshu 尚書], the Book of Odes [Shijing 詩經], the Spring and Autumn Annals [Chunqiu 春秋], and the Book of Rites [Liji 禮記]), and the supreme dao of the three mysteries (with Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子). However, its guayaoci 卦爻辭 (general and line judgments of the hexagrams) are not only recondite but also proliferate with conflicting exegeses that lead nowhere. Fortunately, multiple early manuscripts of the Book of Change, including those from the Mawangdui 馬王堆 silk texts, the Fuyang 阜陽 bamboo slips, and the Chu 楚 bamboo slips housed at the Shanghai Museum, were excavated over the past forty years. These, combined with other related archaeological findings, found the basis for a scrupulous reading of the guayaoci. I attempt to compare the Shanghai Museum manuscript, which is the earliest extant copy of the Book of Change, with the traditional editions and other excavated copies to arrive at a reasoned exposition based on previous interpretation and through manifold research methods such as philology, textual criticism and theosophy. The present thesis examines seven guyaoci from seven hexagrams: 1 “li yong qin fa 利用侵伐” of the fifth line of qian 謙; 2 “bu fu yi qi lin 不富以其鄰” of the fifth line of qian 謙 and the fourth line of tai 泰, and “fu yi qi lin 富以其鄰” of the fifth line of xiaochu 小畜; 3 the naming of wuwang 无妄 and its meaning; 4 “wuwang zhi ji, wu yao you xi 无妄之疾，勿藥有喜” of the fifth line of wuwang 无妄; 5 “he tian zhi qu 何天之衢” of the sixth line of dachu 大畜; 6 “lu suosuo, si qi suo qu zai 旅瑣瑣，斯其所取災” of the first line of lu 旅; and finally 7 “ru you yiru 繻有衣袽” of the fourth line of jiji 既濟. / published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

本論文的撰寫基於一個前設：緯書之出現，本非為釋經而生；並以此為基礎，析論經、緯關係，及其衍生之政治相關議題。傳統見解中，認為緯書的出現乃經學之附生產品，緯書的內容，係為釋經、而附以其政治任務而生。本文並無意挑戰緯書乃政治鬥爭產物之觀點，只是要說緯書乃因釋經而生，則不符西漢的儒學發展演變。 / 儒學世界中，真正為經學附庸者，乃章句而非緯學。任何事物的出現，必然有其偶然與必然性，撇除難以探討的偶然性問題，若說緯學乃出自釋經所需，則其將缺乏形成的必然性；因為自宣帝、元帝間始，儒學各經派對自身經書的章句之學已進入高速發展期，以萬字釋一言乃師法之內的家常之事，緯學若然是釋經之作，則其出現實屬多餘。 / 本文認為，緯學係作為博士經學、古學以外出現的第三道政治學術主流。經學上的博士經學體系，雖然系出董仲舒，難免沾染災異之說，但五經之中，除了後成的《禮記》，大體上仍然保持其「純潔」，緯學的出現，乃為對政治混局預占之所需，配合董氏以來齊學的災異傳統而發展起來的獨立學派，此即張禹口中的「新學」。必須重新評估新學的獨立性，方能掌握白虎觀後，緯學、博士經學、古學三川並流的學術「定局」。 / 所以，本文將主要分為兩大部分，第一部分包含第一及第二章，主要探討形成博士經學體系、古學體系與緯學體系的學術歷史環境；因為經學史的演進部分，研究已汗牛充棟，本文集中討論的是形成這個政治學術環境的背境因素。 / 第二部分包含第三及第四章，主要探討緯學在兩漢之際的儒學體系中的角色。東漢中前期形成三學並立的局面，源起成帝對新學的提拔，此新學本文稱為成哀新學，其除對齊學傳統的災異之說有所繼承外，更係對西漢一代可資運用的「一切資源」加以包納，形成一個「百科全書」式的學派綱目。基於王莽與劉秀對新學的「神化」，令其成為「儒教」在兩漢之際實踐神道設教的核心，地位更凌駕於博士經系之上。本部分即對此現象之形成加以綜述。 / 簡單而言，本文將視「博士經學」「古學經學」「緯學」為漢代儒學中的三個重要組成部分，而儒學思想，則作為三者溝通、乃至相互影響的橋樑；不過，此橋樑本身，亦係三者之體系形成過程中，方始形成的觀念；換言之，本文旨在透過理解此體系之形成，以釐清漢代儒學發展中的部分關鍵。 / To exmaine the development of Ru learning in early Han Dynasty through the study of its formation process has so far received relatively less attention, as scholars mostly took it for granted that Ru classics were mostly formed during the Warring States. However, the Ru classics as we know today had simply not yet been compiled in early Han, but fragmented pieces of allegedly writings of ancient authors, with ample rooms for further and necessary intreptation. In other words, without the deconstruction, and reconstruction, of the Han Confucians, the concept of Classics (jing) would only remain empty. This thesis, thus, would focus on how and why Ru classics were constructed. / The first chapter provides a brief history on the formation and changes of the Five Classics, together with an introduction of the background of the Han intellectual world at its very beginning; as well as an analysis of the ways that the Central government and different localities interacted in order to facilitate the initial stage of Han Ru development. / The second chapter will study the formative years of Ru participation in Han politics, and suggest that it started as early as Wendi 文帝while it was traditionally thought to be the great achievement of Wudi 武帝. The chapter will demonstrate how Wendi and Jingdi 景帝struggled to promote Ru learnings during their rules. And thus the chapter would lead to the conclusion that Wudi’s policy of exclusive promotion of Ru was nothing more than the legacy of his father and grandfather. Nevertheless, this chapter will make a further inquiry into this formative period through the study of New Book 賈誼《新書》to illustrate its characterisitcs. Following that, a section on the “Qi tradition齊學of Han Ru will be introduced and its unique and important role in the Ru system will be emphasized by examining the development of Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 and his works on the Gongyang traditions 公羊學. The chapter concludes the formative era by discussing the book of Yantieyuan《鹽鐵論》 to show that the basic ideas and structure of the Ru system was a quasi-established one immediately after the ruling years of Wudi. Core principles made up by the majority faction in Qixue will rule in the names of Jing 經, Chang 常 and suppress principles of Quan 權, Bian 變 found in Wudi’s rules. / The third chapter, instead of focusing on the ideological and intellectual changes, deals with how real-politik exerted its great influence on the stabilizing period. The once forgotten Quan-Bian faction rose again during this late Western-Han period as a result of fierece political struggles among different parties alongside with the ideological disuptues between the Jinwen and Guwen schools. The chapter will try to foster a new concept under the term of Cheng-Ai Neoism to illustrate the uprising of the studies of Chen Prophecy and Apocrypha as a result of Qixue traditions and political turmoil. / The last chapter will supplement the previous chapters by introducing the origins of Apocrypha and how its development affected the construction and development of Ru Classics and how it was applied in real-politik. The chapter would also like to argue that without Apocrypha, the so-called Ru system would not be a matured one through the studies of Bangu’s Baihu-tongyi. And the chapter would conclude the thesis by stating that with the matured development in both Classics and Apocrypha, the systematic construction of Han Ru system was finally established as a result. / To conclude, this thesis aims to examine different stages of development that finally led to the formation of Han Ru system which affected the intellectual and political development of Han and post-Han dynasties. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 趙鍾維. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-215). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Zhao Zhongwei. / Chapter 緒論： --- 前人研究與討論空間 --- p.V / Chapter 壹、 --- 總論：秦火之後的齊學世界 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 先秦無經學 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 經學觀念形成於漢武帝朝 --- p.2 / Chapter 3. --- 由殘簡至經學 --- p.9 / Chapter 4. --- 先秦下層思想於漢初的「逆向上流」 --- p.41 / Chapter 5. --- 地方與中央構建 --- p.49 / Chapter 貳、 --- 中央政治與齊經學構建 --- p.58 / Chapter 1. --- 漢初用儒 --- p.58 / Chapter 2. --- 漢武尊儒 --- p.76 / Chapter 3. --- 鹽鐵會議 --- p.100 / Chapter 參、 --- 齊儒治世與成哀新學 --- p.112 / Chapter 1. --- 甘露論儒 --- p.112 / Chapter 2. --- 漢季禮爭：博士經與王氏始交 --- p.116 / Chapter 3. --- 河平校書 --- p.120 / Chapter 4. --- 移書讓太常博士 --- p.124 / Chapter 5. --- 成哀新學 --- p.126 / Chapter 6. --- 王莽與漢晚儒學 --- p.128 / Chapter 肆、 --- 讖緯體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 1. --- 緯學體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 2. --- 緯學發展簡論 --- p.151 / Chapter 3. --- 讖緯干政 --- p.158 / Chapter 4. --- 讖緯干經 --- p.182 / Chapter 5. --- 經緯平議 --- p.185 / Chapter 6. --- 白虎通論 --- p.195 / Chapter 伍、 --- 結論 --- p.202 / p.204

林麗玲. / "2011年8月". / "2011 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 278-281). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Lin Liling. / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 --- p.頁1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 《苟子》與先秦典籍之關係述略及研究方法 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》評論諸子述略 --- p.頁2 / Chapter 二、 --- 《荀子》與先秦文獻之關係述略 --- p.頁5 / Chapter 三、 --- 研究方法一從詞彙角度研究古代文獻 --- p.頁11 / Chapter 第三章 --- 《荀子》、《墨子》二書關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》評論《墨子》之研究回顧 --- p.頁15 / Chapter 二、 --- 《荀子》沿用《墨子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁17 / Chapter 三、 --- 《荀子》詮釋《墨子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁23 / Chapter 四、 --- 《荀子》沿用《墨子》詞彙並論《墨子》相關論說新證 --- p.頁30 / Chapter 五、 --- 《荀子》評論《墨子》所述事例新證 --- p.頁45 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論 --- p.頁47 / Chapter 第四章 --- 《荀子》、《孟子》二書關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》評論《孟子》之研究回顧 --- p.頁48 / Chapter 二、 --- 《荀子》沿用《孟子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁51 / Chapter 三、 --- 《苟子》誇釋《孟子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁60 / Chapter 四、 --- 《荀子》評論《孟子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁68 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.頁77 / Chapter 第五章 --- 《苟子》與《老》、《莊》關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》評論《老》、《莊》之研究回顧 --- p.頁78 / Chapter 二、 --- 《荀子》採《老》、《莊》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁82 / Chapter 三、 --- 《荀子》採《老》、《莊》詞彙而駁其論說舉隅 --- p.頁98 / Chapter 四、 --- 《荀子》論《老》、《莊》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁108 / Chapter 五、 --- 《老子》河上公注採《苟子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁112 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論 --- p.頁117 / Chapter 第六章 --- 《荀子》、《韓非子》二書關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》、《韓非子》二書關係研究回顧 --- p.頁119 / Chapter 二、 --- 《韓非子》沿用《苟子》相關詞彙闡明學說 --- p.頁121 / Chapter 三、 --- 《韓非子》沿用《荀子》詞彙並賦予新義 --- p.頁131 / Chapter 四、 --- 《韓非子》學說有違《荀子》義理 --- p.頁142 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.頁157 / Chapter 第七章 --- 《荀子》、《呂氏春秋》二書關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》、《呂氏春秋》二書關係研究回顧 --- p.頁159 / Chapter 二、 --- 《呂氏春秋》沿用《荀子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁161 / Chapter 三、 --- 《呂覽》用《荀》詞並賦予新義 --- p.頁176 / Chapter 四、 --- 《呂覽》採用《荀》詞以闡述他義 --- p.頁178 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.頁188 / Chapter 第八章 --- 總結 --- p.頁190 / Chapter 附錄一、 --- 《荀子》、《墨子》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁195 / Chapter 附錄二、 --- 《荀子》、《孟子》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁209 / Chapter 附錄三、 --- 《荀子》、《老子》、《莊子》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁225 / Chapter 附錄四、 --- 《荀子》、《韓非子》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁242 / Chapter 附錄五、 --- 《荀子》、《呂氏春秋》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁265 / 參考書目 --- p.頁278

《隋書》及《北史》皆云南北朝經學「章句好尚，互有不同」，又述南北異同云：「江左《周易》則王輔嗣，《尚書》則孔安國，《左傳》則杜元凱。河、洛《左傳》則服子慎，《尚書》、《周易》則鄭康成。《詩》則並主於毛公，《禮》則同遵於鄭氏。」歷來論南北經學流派者，莫不以此文為據。學者或以為南北經學之好尚，《隋書》、《北史》「數言盡之」（皮錫瑞語），即謂同則趨同，異則迥異，涇渭分明。亦有學者不作絶對之論，稱南朝不無宗鄭玄者，北朝猶有習偽孔者。持此論者之所據，多為南北各朝史傳、《經典釋文》、《隋書》所載南北諸經立學、門戶承傳之概況，惟史料零碎，且個別細節語焉不詳。同時，學界不乏以輯本南北朝經學佚書鑽研經學史者，惜輯本內容佔原書幾何，不甚明確，貿然藉此立論，恐失之武斷。 / 目前，藉南北朝傳世文獻研究時人對諸經注解之好尚，暫未一見，本文以為研治南北經學好尚問題，當可在此着墨。南北朝傳世古注之具名引用諸經注解者，有南人裴松之《三國志注》、裴駰《史記集解》、劉孝標《世說新語注》、皇侃《論語義疏》，以及北人酈道元《水經注》五種。鑑於南北對於《周易》、《尚書》、《左傳》、《論語》四經注解之好尚差異最大，故本文旨在考覈上述傳世古注所引四經注解，以探求前列南北注家五人對經注之好尚，從而疏理南北朝南北經學之沿革，以為經學史研究開一嶄新門徑。 / 本文共分八章。第一章回顧南北朝南北經學好尚之研究步伐，並提出藉用南北朝傳世古注所引諸經注解為探討此問題之新方向。第二章略述南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解之特色，以鉤其引書之概念。第三至第六章，則逐一考索南北朝傳世古注所引《周易》、《尚書》、《春秋左傳》、《論語》四經注解，並議論南北經學沿革相關問題。第七章專講徐彥《春秋公羊傳疏》。徐《疏》舊題唐代，惟清代以降，學者或以為北朝之書，又或以為其書並非一時之作，而終成於唐，各具實據。無論如何，本文不排除徐《疏》包羅北朝經解成分，故設專章考述其引用以上四經注解之情況，以為餘論。卒章總結全文。 / According to Suishu隋書 and Beishi北史, the Southern and Northern Dynasties favored respectively different interpretations of the Confucian Classics (jing經). Taking Shangshu尚書 as an example, Zheng Xuan鄭玄’s annotation was preferred in the North, whereas the annotation with its authorship assigned to Kong An’guo孔安國 was preferred in the South. To study the divisions of jingxue經學 during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, reviewers have constantly regarded the above statement as a foundation. Some of them, such as Pi Xirui皮錫瑞, believed that Suishu and Beishi had precisely concluded the trend of orthodoxy, as coherent comments on jingxue can be observed respectively within the Southern and Northern Dynasties. However certain counterexamples exist, for instance, Zheng’s commentary was adopted in the South, whereas Kong’s annotation was also studied in the North. Dissenters’ arguments mainly based on the official history of the South and the North. Alternative sources include Jingdian Shiwen經典釋文, Suishu and the recovered texts (jiyishu輯佚書) of the related period, with the latter being piecemeal and incomprehensive. Nevertheless, few studies have succeeded investigating the interpretations of jing at that time with the aid of the transmitted notes (zhu注) of the Southern and Northern Dynasties, namely Sanguozhi Zhu三國志注, Shiji Jijie史記集解, Shishuo Xinyu Zhu世說新語注, Lunyü Yishu論語義疏 and Shuijing Zhu水經注, which serves as alternative corpora. Through a close examination of the notes’ citation, this thesis aims at investigating coexisting evaluations towards various notes of jing, as well as articulating jingxue’s development throughout that period. / This thesis comprises eight chapters. The first chapter reviews past studies and the inadequacy therein, declaring the transmitted notes of the Southern and Northern Dynasties as an alternative source for research. Chapter Two summarizes the rules of the citations of commentaries on Classics found in the transmitted notes above. Details for those of Zhouyi周易, Shangshu, Zuozhuan左傳 and Lunyü論語 are presented with analysis in the next four chapters respectively. Chapter Seven looks into the commentaries on the four Classics cited in Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan Shu春秋公羊傳疏, which to a certain extent shows the scholars’ preferences in the North due to the multiplicity of authorship. The final chapter serves as a conclusion. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 伍尚俊. / "2012年9月". / "2012 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 290-308). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wu Shangjun. / 凡例 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 南北朝經學好尚研究之回顧暨新方向之提出 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 目前南北朝經學好尚相關研究成果述要 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 概說南北經學好尚研究之新方向──南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解之特色述略 --- p.14 / Chapter 第一節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.14 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.15 / Chapter 第四節 --- 皇侃《論語義疏》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.16 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《周易》注解考辨 --- p.22 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.22 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《周易》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.22 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引《周易》注解獨取魏晉說考 --- p.30 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.33 / Chapter 第四章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《尚書》注解考辨 --- p.37 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引《尚書》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.37 / Chapter 第三節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《尚書》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.47 / Chapter 第四節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》及皇侃《論語義疏》引《尚書》注解-分別獨取《偽孔傳》及鄭玄注叢考 --- p.103 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引《尚書》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.110 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.123 / Chapter 第五章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《春秋左傳》注解考辨 --- p.132 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.132 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引《左傳》注解兼採漢晉說考 --- p.132 / Chapter 第三節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《左傳》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.134 / Chapter 第四節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》及皇侃《論語義疏》引《左傳》注解-獨取杜預注叢考 --- p.160 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引《左傳》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.166 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.180 / Chapter 第六章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《論語》注解考辨 --- p.189 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.189 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《論語》注解兼用何晏、江熙二家《集解》考 --- p.189 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引《論語》注解用何晏《集解》考 --- p.229 / Chapter 第四節 --- 南北朝傳世古注引漢魏晉《論語》注解好尚之異同及其原因 --- p.241 / Chapter 第五節 --- 結語 --- p.244 / Chapter 第七章 --- 徐彥《春秋公羊傳疏》引諸經注解考辨 --- p.249 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.249 / Chapter 第二節 --- 徐《疏》引《周易》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.250 / Chapter 第三節 --- 徐《疏》引《尚書》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.262 / Chapter 第四節 --- 徐《疏》引《春秋左傳》注解兼採漢晉說考 --- p.267 / Chapter 第五節 --- 徐《疏》引《論語》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.280 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.283 / 總結 --- p.287 / 參考文獻 --- p.291

伍俊丞. / "2010年9月". / "2010 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 651-666). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wu Juncheng. / 提要 --- p.i / 凡例 --- p.iv / 前言 --- p.v / 目錄 --- p.vi / Chapter 第一章 --- 王符之生平 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王符之鄉里 --- p.3 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之志節 --- p.15 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符之仕宦 --- p.20 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符之交遊 --- p.23 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符之生卒 --- p.30 / Chapter 第六節 --- 王符之著述 --- p.35 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.42 / Chapter 第二章 --- 東漢經學概況 --- p.43 / Chapter 第一節 --- 東漢經學以古文為宗 --- p.45 / Chapter 第二節 --- 東漢經生著重家法 --- p.48 / Chapter 第三節 --- 東漢讖緯學之興盛 --- p.50 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.53 / Chapter 第三章 --- 王符之《周易》學 --- p.54 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《周易》學概況 --- p.56 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《周易》學源流 --- p.65 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《周易》特點 --- p.95 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符之《周易》學思想 --- p.106 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符於京房《周易》學之取捨 --- p.120 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《周易》於王符經學之地位 --- p.135 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.142 / 附錄一王符引《易》源流待考條目 --- p.143 / 附錄二王符引《易》稱謂彙錄 --- p.161 / Chapter 第四章 --- 王符之《尚書》學 --- p.165 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《尚書》學概況 --- p.167 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《尚書》學源流 --- p.176 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引佚《書》 --- p.204 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《尚書》特點 --- p.212 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符之《尚書》學思想 --- p.220 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《尚書》於王符經學之地位 --- p.230 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.238 / 附錄一王符引《書》源流待考條目 --- p.239 / 附錄二王符引《書》稱謂彙錄 --- p.250 / Chapter 第五章 --- 王符之《詩經》學 --- p.254 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《詩經》學概況 --- p.256 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《詩經》學源流 --- p.265 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《詩經》特點 --- p.302 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符之《詩經》學思想 --- p.312 / Chapter 第五節 --- 《詩經》於王符經學之地位 --- p.321 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.328 / 附錄一王符引《詩》源流待考條目 --- p.329 / 附錄二王符引《詩》稱謂彙錄 --- p.362 / Chapter 第六章 --- 王符之三《禮》學 --- p.369 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代三《禮》學概況 --- p.371 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之三《禮》學源流 --- p.378 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引三《禮》特點 --- p.388 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符思想於荀學之承繼 --- p.395 / Chapter 第五節 --- 《潛夫論》之思想學派爭議 --- p.401 / Chapter 第六節 --- 三《禮》於王符經學之地位 --- p.410 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.414 / Chapter 第七章 --- 王符之《春秋》學 --- p.415 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《春秋》學概況 --- p.417 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《春秋》學源流 --- p.427 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《國語》 --- p.493 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《春秋》特點 --- p.517 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符之《春秋》學思想 --- p.526 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《春秋》於王符經學之地位 --- p.533 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.537 / 附錄一王符引《春秋》源流待考條目 --- p.538 / 附錄二王符引《春秋》稱謂彙錄 --- p.542 / Chapter 第八章 --- 王符之《論語》學 --- p.545 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《論言》學概況 --- p.547 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《論語》 --- p.555 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《論語》之相關問題 --- p.580 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.583 / 附錄王符徵引《論語》稱謂彙錄 --- p.584 / Chapter 第九章 --- 王符之《孝經》學 --- p.587 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《孝經》學概況 --- p.589 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《孝經》 --- p.595 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《孝經》之相關問題 --- p.599 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.601 / Chapter 第十章 --- 王符於緯書之取態 --- p.602 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引緯書 --- p.604 / Chapter 第二節 --- 緯書於王符經學之地位 --- p.615 / Chapter 第三節 --- 結語 --- p.619 / Chapter 第十一章 --- 餘論 --- p.620 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王符論諸經之作者 --- p.622 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符經學之今古文取向 --- p.628 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符以經論政 --- p.635 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符經學於後世之影響 --- p.642 / Chapter 第十二章 --- 總結 --- p.647 / 參考書目及論文 --- p.651

本文旨在研究明儒郝敬之經學業績及其經學巨作《九經解》對清初經學之興起，對理學到經學的典範轉移所起的全面而決定性的影響。本文是從思想史角度研究郝敬經學之發生及其動力。 / 以掛冠歸家、閉戶解經為標誌，郝敬的生涯被劃分成了前後兩個完全不同的階段。前經學時期作為士大夫的郝敬，其志趣乃是為政與文人生活。在他完成解經後，我們可以看到他的種種轉變：由早年的喜好佛道而轉向對佛老的激烈批判，從而區別於晚明盛行的三教合一論者；與此一體的是他重整作為儒家禮教重心的喪、祭二禮；他由早年的仰慕李贄而轉向激烈批判李贄。這些都可視為批評異端的行為。而就儒學內部而言，他亦由早年的喜好理學而轉向對之作全面的系統性批評，批評其中所參雜的佛學。他的走向全面解經亦同時意味著對於朱子經學的全面性批判，他反對將《大學》、《中庸》從《禮記》中單獨抽出而與《論語》、《孟子》合為《四書》，欲以《九經》的架構取代朱子的理學建構下的《四書五經》的架構。郝敬所做的這一層層的破的工作，最後，是要回到孔子及其原典《論語》那裡。將這些選擇性行為合而觀之，可視為他對“純化儒學之追求，這點正是後來清學之追求所在。這些討論亦顯示經學這一知識樣態乃是儒學的整體性變化的一部分。 / 郝敬經解既區別于理學解經之追求“宗旨，亦區別于漢儒解經之重在訓詁，是要在宋儒解經與漢儒解經之外，建立另一新的解經系統。他批評後世儒者解經“專執典要，而強調“不可為典要，又強調“識、“辨，由此形成其作為群經辨偽之集大成之解經特色。這同時也帶來他的經解既富創辟，同時又有臆斷的特色。 / 郝敬經解極大影響了復社的陳子龍（1608-1647）、朱鶴齡（1606-1683）、朱朝瑛（1605-1670）、錢澄之（1612-1694）、陳啟源（？-1689）等。它對黃宗羲（1610-1695）、黃宗炎（1616-1686）兄弟由心學轉向經學起了決定性作用，黃氏甬上講經會正是讀郝敬經解。郝敬經學更影響黃宗羲的下一代人，如門人萬斯大（1633-1683）、萬斯同（1638-1702）兄弟以及與他們交遊的閻若璩（1636-1704）、姚際恒（1647-約1715）、毛奇齡（1623-1716）、胡渭（1633-1714）、朱彝尊（1629-1709）這一活躍在京師北京的清初經學最重要的文人圈。萬斯大評價郝敬 “窮經者盡宗之，一語道出了郝敬經學在當時的“宗師位置。而被清儒視為清代經學開山者的閻若璩、胡渭之立說乃直接出自郝敬。從郝敬的經學到清初的經學辨偽，可以看到清學是從晚明內部自然產生出來的，郝敬對於清學的發生所起的作用比顧炎武（1613-1682）、黃宗羲、閻若璩、胡渭等更直接、更早，也更全方位。 / 在清初，《康熙字典》、御撰各經的傳說，以及其他種種御制、欽定著作都大量引用郝敬之說。清初私塾課本對於各經的解釋都收有郝敬的東西，可以看出郝敬對於清代從國家、士人到民間私塾各個層面的全面影響。由郝敬對於晚明、清初經學的全方位影響，直至持續影響到雍正以至乾隆初年近百年這些眾多的材料證明：由於郝敬《九經解》的出現，清人所謂明人無學無經學之說可休矣。郝敬以一人之偉力，以其《九經解》全面開啟了清代經學。 / 郝敬既全面批評朱子，又激烈批評鄭玄關於《三禮》的訓詁，尤其是其攻鄭玄，終於使得郝敬之經著雖然影響了各個層面的學問，而受其影響者的著作反被大量收入於《四庫》，其中有的亦被視為清學之開山，而郝敬的經學著作卻沒有一本收錄於《四庫》，都只在存目，趨於湮沒。郝敬經學在後世湮沒的另一個原因則是乾嘉家法，即新的學術典範的出現以及愈來愈嚴厲化的典範展現。 / This thesis studies the comprehensive influence of the Ming Dynasty Confucian Hao Jing's study of the Confucian classics and his great work Jiujing jie (Interpretation of Nine Classics) on the characteristics of early Qing study of Confucian classics, which reveals a paradigmatic shift from the learning of Neo-Confucianism prevailing in the Ming. / It begins with a detailed study of Hao Jing’s career as a Confucian scholar-official. Hao Jing's career is divided into two rather different stages, marked by his resigning office and returning home for study of the Confucian classics. In the earlier stage, he was a scholar-official, devoted to governmental affairs but also living parts of a life of a man of letters. He changed in many aspects after he completed his work on re-interpreting the Confucian classics. One notable change is his strong criticism of Buddhism and Daoism, thus delineating himself from the advocacy of the syncretism of “three religions of Confucianism , Daoism and Buddhism that prevailed in the late Ming Dynasty. As a result , he proposed restructured funeral and sacrifice etiquettes that were the center of Confucian rituals. He gave up his admiration for Li Zhi, the late Ming critic of traditional values and conformities, but criticized him sharply. As for the study of Confucianism , Hao Jing no longer loved Neo-Confucianism as he did in his early years. Relatedly, he launched systematic criticism of Buddhist elements in Neo-Confucianism. His total involvement in re-interpreting the Confucian classics also meant his all out criticism of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism. He was against the separation of the Daxue (The Great Learning) and the Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean) from the Liji (Book of Rites) and their subsequent merge with The Confucian Analects and The Mencius to form the Sishu (The Four Books). He proposed to replace the structure of Sishu wujing (The Four Books and Five Classics) under the Neo-Confucian framework established by Zhu Xi by a structure of Jiujing (Nine Classics). The originality of Hao Jing can be traced to the personality of Confucius and his words in The Confucian Analects. Hao Jing’s words and deeds can be considered as reflections of his pursuit of “purified Confucianism, which was what mainstream Qing Confucian scholarship was seeking for. Hao’s classical discourses reveal a solid part of the overal changes in Confucianism of Ming and Qing times. / Different from Neo-Confucian pursuits of doctrinal “tenets （zongzhi）and Han Confucian exegesis that highlights annotation of words in ancient books, Hao’s interpretations of the Confucian classics were intended to establish a new system of classics exegesis. While criticizing later Confucians for “insisting on fixed standards in interpreting the classics, he stressed that Confucians should be capable of “understanding the truth of the classics and “distinguishing the falsification of classical texts. He is a master of that. But that also led to his novel but arbitrary interpretations of the classics. / Hao Jing's classical exegesis exerted tremendous influence on many members of the Fu Society (a noted literary society in late Ming Dynasty), such as Chen Zilong（16081647）, Zhu Heling（1606-1683）, Zhu Chaoying（16051670）, Qian Chengzhi（1612-1694) , and Chen Qiyuan （？-1689）. He also had huge impact on Huang Zongxi（1610-1695）and his brother Huang Zongyan（1616-1686）in their deemphasizing the philosophy of the mind and advocacy of studying the Confucian classics. Huang often read Hao's exegesis at gatherings of reading classics（jiangjinghui） in Yongshang. He even influenced Huang Zongxi’s disciples, like Wan Sida（1633-1683） and his brother Wan Sitong（1638-1702） as well as their friends like Yan Ruoju（1636-1704）, Yao Jiheng (1647- about 1715) , Hu Wei（1633-1714）and Zhu Yizun(1629-1709), who were active in scholarly circles with interests in classical studying in Beijing in the early Qing Dynasty. Wan Sida commented Hao this way: " Those who endeavor to delve into the classics all revere him as a master". The scholarly achievements of Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei, founder of classical studies of the Qing Dynasty, also owed much to the works of Hao. This then points to the origins of early Qing approach to classical scholarship in the late Ming. In the Ming-Qing transition, Hao played a role that contributed more directly and comprehensively than that of Gu Yanwu（1613-1682）,Huang Zongxi, Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei. / In the early Qing, the imperially-sponsored Kangxi Dictionary, the classical commentaries the Kangxi emperor authored, and many other works attributed to the emperors or sanctioned by them, quoted liberally from Hao's works and cited a multitude of his views and points.Hao’s interpretations on the classics were even included in the textbooks of private schools. Hao's widespread influence ranged from the state level to the general public. His influence on classical study continued until the reign of Yongzheng and early period of Qianlong. Because of the impact of Hao’s scholarship for nearly 100 years, we have strong evidence to consider the Qing Dynasty criticism that "Ming Dynasty lacked classical scholarship groundless. Hao's Interpretation on the Nine Classics, which ushered in Qing style classical study, bore relevance to classical scholarship from the Tianqi and Chongzhen periods of the Ming to the Qianlong period of the Qing a century-long period. / The ebbs of Hao Jing’s influence was due to a paradigmatic change in the heydays of the Qianlong-Jiaqing periodlate 18th century to early 19th century. Hao Jing criticized Zhu Zi roundly, and attacked Zheng Xuan's exegesis of the Three Rites violently.Thus he offended the ideological orthodoxy and the scholarly orthodoxy. As a result, many of his works were excluded from copying into the Siku Quanshu (Complete Library of the Four Branches of Chinese Works). They were only catalogued with abstracts critical of their contents. Eventually they were forgotten by later generations. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 謝茂松. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 464-488) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xie Maosong. / Chapter 第一章 --- 郝敬經學與明清學術轉型之重釋 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明清學術轉型研究 --- p.10 / Chapter 一 --- 梁啟超：清學為對宋明理學之反動 --- p.10 / Chapter 二 --- 錢穆：晚明從“個別經驗轉向“共同經驗 --- p.12 / Chapter 三 --- 馬克思主義史學：清代考證學開山的認定 --- p.17 / Chapter （一） --- 侯外廬：考證學的開山 --- p.17 / Chapter （二） --- 嵇文甫：晚明心學與古學 --- p.19 / Chapter 四 --- 近期研究進路 --- p.22 / Chapter （一） --- 余英時：內在理路說 --- p.22 / Chapter （二） --- 林慶彰：回歸原典與群經辨偽 --- p.24 / Chapter （三） --- 龔鵬程：晚明的復古·經學·博雅傳統 --- p.25 / Chapter （四） --- 艾爾曼、包弼德：累積式研究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter （五） --- 周啟榮、張壽安、伊東貴之：儒家禮教主義的興起 --- p.28 / Chapter （六） --- 王汎森：講經會與清學發生 --- p.34 / Chapter 五 --- 以郝敬為視點梳理明清學術轉型研究 --- p.38 / Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬研究回顧 --- p.47 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （一） --- 郝敬《尚書》學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （二） --- 郝敬著作考與郝敬《詩經》學研究 --- p.51 / Chapter （三） --- 郝敬《四書》學研究 --- p.52 / Chapter 二 --- 郝敬哲學研究 --- p.54 / Chapter 第四節 --- 郝敬經學：事實、影響與遺忘 --- p.57 / Chapter 第二章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的治政表現與經世關懷 --- p.60 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方治政表現 --- p.61 / Chapter 一 --- 初仕嚴急與庭無滯事：縉雲與永嘉 --- p.62 / Chapter 二 --- “聖諭俗講：江陰 --- p.64 / Chapter 第二節 --- 朝政經世關懷：錢法、屯守、罷兵 --- p.82 / Chapter 一 --- 軍餉、錢法、屯田 --- p.85 / Chapter （一） --- 軍餉：挪移額稅 --- p.85 / Chapter （二） --- 錢法：《請行錢法疏》 --- p.88 / Chapter （三） --- 屯田 --- p.95 / Chapter 二 --- 屯守遼東：兼論《天山評》 --- p.101 / Chapter 三 --- 罷朝鮮兵與彈劾輔臣 --- p.110 / Chapter 四 --- 采珠、開礦、開店、增稅、籍沒家財 --- p.114 / Chapter 小結 --- p.115 / Chapter 第三章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的文人生活 --- p.119 / Chapter 第一節 --- 父師影響 --- p.119 / Chapter 一 --- 達士：父郝承健 --- p.119 / Chapter 二 --- 文苑領袖：師李維楨 --- p.131 / Chapter 第二節 --- 詩文、書畫、酒、游山、玄談 --- p.138 / Chapter 一 --- 寡交遊：初仕縉雲 --- p.138 / Chapter 二 --- 廣交遊：繼仕永嘉 --- p.139 / Chapter （一） --- 文人、山人、僧道 --- p.139 / Chapter （二） --- 鮑觀白：性命之學 --- p.147 / Chapter （三） --- 袁宏道：縣令生活的比較 --- p.149 / Chapter 第三節 --- 年輕官員的集會：京師生涯 --- p.150 / Chapter 第四節 --- 學作畫：江陰生活 --- p.169 / Chapter 第五節 --- 致仕生活：修園、作畫、好佛 --- p.172 / Chapter 一 --- 作畫、搜集青銅器 --- p.172 / Chapter 二 --- 拓展康樂園與禮佛 --- p.174 / Chapter 三 --- 萬曆皇帝：無盡的感念 --- p.176 / Chapter 第四章 --- 純化儒學的追求（一）：佛老與李贄批判 --- p.177 / Chapter 第一節 --- 嚴儒、佛、道之辨 --- p.177 / Chapter 第二節 --- 重視儒禮與重新制禮 --- p.195 / Chapter 第三節 --- 李贄批判 --- p.207 / Chapter 一 --- 文本批判：郝敬《閑邪記》與李贄《藏書》 --- p.207 / Chapter （一） --- “狂狷論 --- p.211 / Chapter （二） --- “真聖人與“假道學 --- p.222 / Chapter （三） --- “奉佛法為陰符 --- p.226 / Chapter 二 --- 李贄批判的比較 --- p.233 / Chapter 第五章 --- 純化儒學的追求（二）：全面批判理學與閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 第一節 --- 沉潛：閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 一 --- 念茲在茲：閉戶明經 --- p.238 / Chapter 二 --- 初涉經學：在永嘉 --- p.239 / Chapter 三 --- 閉戶注經：內在動力 --- p.242 / Chapter 四 --- 送《九經解》 --- p.246 / Chapter 五 --- 聲譽鵲起：《九經解》之刊刻 --- p.247 / Chapter 第二節 --- 說“不：對士人生活的反省與行為選擇 --- p.251 / Chapter 一 --- 不交官府 --- p.251 / Chapter 二 --- 不講學 --- p.255 / Chapter 三 --- 不作序、點主、墓銘 --- p.256 / Chapter 四 --- 庸常修身 --- p.260 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從佛老、理學到經學的轉變：《知言》與《時習新知》之比較 --- p.262 / Chapter 一 --- 《知言》與《時習新知》之異同 --- p.265 / Chapter 二 --- 《時習新知》的思想脈絡 --- p.269 / Chapter （一） --- 理學概念：轉換與超越 --- p.269 / Chapter （二） --- 理學批評 --- p.278 / Chapter （三） --- 辟佛道 --- p.291 / Chapter （四） --- 學惟《論語》為正宗 --- p.294 / Chapter （五） --- 時習新知 --- p.296 / Chapter （六） --- 古今學行與經解評議 --- p.297 / Chapter 第四節 --- 朱子與鄭玄經學的批評 --- p.300 / Chapter 一 --- 理學：對朱子經學的全面批評 p300 / Chapter 二 --- 訓詁：對鄭玄經注的批評 --- p.304 / Chapter 第五節 --- “溫柔敦厚：對道學政治文化的批判 --- p.308 / Chapter 一 --- 孔孟之道 --- p.309 / Chapter 二 --- 美刺與是非：《詩》與《春秋》 --- p.312 / Chapter 三 --- 《易》道用剛？ --- p.317 / Chapter 四 --- 批評與調整：“溫柔敦厚 --- p.318 / Chapter 小結 --- p.324 / Chapter 第六章 --- 郝敬經解之要義 --- p.326 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《九經解》：順序與意義系統 --- p.326 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經解要義及其創辟 --- p.329 / Chapter 一 --- 《周易正解》：由《十翼》言象而“象意雙顯 --- p.329 / Chapter 二 --- 《尚書辨解》：辨《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.335 / Chapter （一） --- 《書序》非孔子作 --- p.336 / Chapter （二） --- 以古今文辭風格辨《古文尚書》之偽 --- p.336 / Chapter （三） --- 讀《書》首當考世代 --- p.339 / Chapter （四） --- 周公不殺管、蔡二叔 --- p.340 / Chapter （五） --- 以後世之徵引而證《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.342 / Chapter 三 --- 《毛詩原解》：詩序·詩志·美刺 --- p.343 / Chapter （一） --- 尊《詩序》 --- p.343 / Chapter （二） --- “辭與“志之間以及辟“淫奔說 --- p.345 / Chapter （三） --- 《詩》為萬世法戒 --- p.351 / Chapter （四） --- 風人 --- p.352 / Chapter （五） --- 風雅頌皆有正變 --- p.353 / Chapter （六） --- 詩者，聲音之道 --- p.354 / Chapter 四 --- 《春秋直解》：直其事而是非自見 --- p.354 / Chapter （一） --- 《左傳》非左丘明作 --- p.355 / Chapter （二） --- 批《春秋》三傳、宋胡安國《春秋》解 --- p.357 / Chapter （三） --- 《春秋》無凡例、無深刻隱語 --- p.358 / Chapter （四） --- 《春秋》直道而行，不以文字為褒貶 --- p.360 / Chapter （五） --- 《春秋》未嘗可五霸，未嘗貴盟會，未嘗與齊、魯 --- p.362 / Chapter （六） --- 未嘗黜秦、楚、吳、越為夷狄 --- p.364 / Chapter 五 --- 三禮 --- p.365 / Chapter （一） --- 《禮記通解》：會通禮家雜而多端之言 --- p.366 / Chapter （二） --- 《儀禮節解》 --- p.373 / Chapter （三） --- 《周禮完解》 --- p.377 / Chapter 六 --- 《論語詳解》與《孟子說解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （一） --- 《論語詳解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （二） --- 《孟子說解》 --- p.391 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬經學特色 --- p.396 / Chapter 一 --- 解經“不可為典要 --- p.396 / Chapter 二 --- 集群經辨偽之大成：創辟與臆斷 --- p.399 / Chapter 第七章 --- 郝敬經學的影響 --- p.401 / Chapter 第一節 --- 同時代經學類型比較：以《大泌山房集》所見為例 --- p.401 / Chapter 一 --- 朱子經學系統 --- p.404 / Chapter 二 --- 北宋之經解 --- p.405 / Chapter 三 --- 從回向漢代到回向孔子 --- p.406 / Chapter 四 --- 與郝敬屬同類型的經解 --- p.407 / Chapter 第二節 --- 郝敬經學的後世影響 --- p.411 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學在晚明的流傳與接受 --- p.411 / Chapter 二 --- 孔廟從祀議案的提出 --- p.416 / Chapter 三 --- 郝敬經學在清初的全面性影響 --- p.418 / Chapter 四 --- 主流派的曖昧：四庫館臣與新典範 --- p.428 / Chapter 五 --- 少數派的重視：章學誠與焦循之例 --- p.430 / Chapter 六 --- 郝敬經學在晚清民國的影響 --- p.431 / 小結 --- p.432 / Chapter 結論 --- p.433 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 郝敬的《請錢法疏》與顧炎武的貨幣主張之比較 --- p.449 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 前明知縣章聚奎詳請給事中郝敬從祀廟庭稿 --- p.458 / Chapter 參考文獻 --- p.464

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University of Macau / Faculty of Arts and Humanities / Department of Chinese