Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / László J. Kulcsár / In the United States, many are critical of agricultural policies and economic incentives that support large-scale food production and the dominant actors in the mainstream agrifood system. Critics point out that at the same time agribusinesses and very large-scale farmers receive support, there are those in poverty who struggle to meet their food needs. Critics question what that relationship should be between civil society and the agrifood system. A variety of activities are addressing concerns of social injustices in the system. For example, participation is increasing in civic and urban agriculture. Civic agriculture is the interrelated activities of small-scale, socially and environmentally sound practices of food production and consumption that aim to increase community sustainability. Urban agriculture is food production in and near cities. By focusing on Kansas and the Kansas City metropolitan area, this dissertation addresses the following questions: How do the relations between civil society and the U.S. agrifood system impact the level of fairness in the system? To what extent are urban agricultural activities fostering fairness in the agrifood system, including access to fresh foods, civic engagement, and fulfilling careers, while also benefiting the environmental health of the city? Survey and interview data collected by a research team on agriculture in Kansas sets the context for my examination of urban agriculture in Kansas City’s urban core. In addition to participant observations and primary and secondary data analysis, I conducted 38 semi-structured interviews with growers (27), food advocates (4), community organizers (4), and governmental employees (3). In Kansas City, many of the activities and programs in place are building community, strengthening civil society, and promoting food justice for the poor and for people of color, for example, in food deserts, which are locales where people particularly face challenges in meeting their food needs. While some participants are more focused on their immediate communities and less so on overt widespread change, others feel a part of a social movement aiming to change the agrifood system. Diverse people from various social classes and races are increasingly becoming involved in growing food and food advocacy to expand fairness in the system.

In a country that has been characterized by its high level of violence and historically strong repression of social movements and mobilizations, people demonstrated peacefully during twenty weeks in Guatemala City 2015. The mobilizations started after the revelation of a corruption network described as The Line, which involved both the Guatemalan Government and the Guatemalan Superintendence of Tax Administration. Each Saturday from April – August, Guatemalans gathered at the main square in the Capital City, to protest against corruption and to demand the resignation of President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti. After intensive demonstrations calling for the Vice-Presidents resignation, Baldetti resigned on May 8. The President resigned on September 2, four days before the general elections and both Baldetti and Pérez Molina were sentenced to prison because of their involvement in the corruption network. This essay aims to give answer to why people mobilized during several weeks and to create a greater understanding for why the mobilizations occurred. The Political Process Model has been used to analyze the character of the protests. This qualitative study is based on 16 semi-structured interviews conducted in Guatemala during the period of October – December 2015. A targeted selection and a snowball sampling method were used to identify persons to interview. The research showed that people identified the situation in Guatemala as a political crisis, which encouraged a broad participation in the protests. The traditional dynamic of challengers and members changed during the weeks of demonstrations. Since traditional polity members turned into challengers, the mobilizations had a high political leverage which made state led repression less likely. Therefore the demonstrations were interpreted as safe and consequently the participation increased. Traditional movements put their specific demands aside in order to be part of the collective demands against corruption. In other words, persons participated rather as individuals than as representatives from their movements.

在人口高齡化、漁業與工業缺乏勞工的情況下，引進移工對於臺灣經濟發展的重要性日益提升。到目前為止，臺灣已有五十萬名移工，而且數字還在持續增加。這些逐漸增加的臨時移工人口，使得臺灣社會逐漸需要面對所引起的社會、法律與整個移工結構的問題。為了解決前述的問題, 臺灣出現了幾個以幫助移工為目的的非政府組織。這些機構主要協助移工處理隱私受到侵犯或雇主歧視等人權問題。但由於非政府組織的主要著力於大方向價值觀的倡議，對於移工實質生活條件的改善仍然進步緩慢。本研究的主要關注於如何改變臺灣社會對於移工的觀念與態度，以停止虐待移工的惡性循環。研究方法為透過專家文獻論述與量化數據分析，探討臺灣人對於移工認知、移工權利、社會規範、法治態度等四方面的關係。研究結果顯示，人民對於移工的態度、對於社會規範的看法，以及法治觀念的具備程度，都與對移工的支持程度有顯著關聯，這些因素也都密切影響移工在臺灣的生活權益。 / With a rising aging population and labor shortages across its key fishing and factory industries, the importation of migrant labor is more crucial than ever in keeping Taiwan’s small but impressive economy propelling forward. With over half a million migrant workers and rising, Taiwan is increasingly facing social, legal, and institutional issues that arise when a temporary labor force is mixed in with the status quo population. A small number of grassroots organizations (NGOs) have sprung up in helping these workers, especially when handling human rights violations such as invasions of privacy and discrimination from employers, but progress has been haltingly slow because change has only been enacted on the macro-level, and not within society where prejudice persists. This research argues that those involved must focus their efforts on changing society’s perceptions of these migrant workers in order to stop the cycle of labor abuse. Through quantitative data collection and literature analysis, this research explores Taiwanese attitudes towards migrant workers as people, migrant workers’ rights, social norms, rule of law, and the correlations between these variables. The results from this research show that attitudes towards migrant workers are associated with the support of social norms that inhibit migrant workers’ rights and found that these attitudes, social norms, and weakness of rule of law all contribute to the marginalization of the migrant worker population.

published_or_final_version / Urban Planning / Master / Master of Science in Urban Planning

The Best PhD Dissertation Award of the Hong Kong Political Science Association (2004-05) / published_or_final_version / abstract / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / abstract / Comparative Literature / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / abstract / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

published_or_final_version / abstract / Urban Planning and Environmental Management / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

<p>Uganda and Tanzania are two countries severely affected by HIV/AIDS. Hence, there are a numbers of associations for PLHA there. In "Global transformations. Politics, economics and culture", Held, Mc Greew, Goldblatt and Perrton focuses None Governmental Organizations as important actors in the globalized world of today, with increased opportunities to influence and affect the politics. The aim of this paper is to investigate the opportunities for associations for PLHA in Tanzania and Uganda to affect in the national level of politics. The study wants to elucidate the relation between the state/government/authorities and the civil society/associations/NGO:s.This has been done threw investigations of associations of PLHA in Tanzania and Uganda, their characters, objectives and opportunities to affect the HIV/AIDS politics in each country. I have been trying a hypothesis which have claimed that these organizations has not played a political role, meaning that they have affected the politically decision makings concerning HIV/AIDS. The empirical material has mainly been collected threw questionnaires to the selected organizations. It has not been possible to appoint the hypothesis, neither to reject it. There are some indications pointing on its validity. In an summarized assessment, the Ugandan organizations are more politically than the Tanzanian organizations, but probably not in a way that have affected the parlamentarically decision processes concerning HIV/AIDS, as the hypothesis intended. A opposite dependence has not been possible to eliminate: That the character and focus of the associations for PLHA in Tanzania and Uganda is a result of the countries differences in dealing with the problem of HIV/AIDS.</p>