This thesis investigates how refugees experience their participation in civil society organizations and how such participation affects their social integration. Focusing on the experiences of refugees from a community center in Denmark, this qualitative study explores what resources refugees gain from civil society activities and whether these gains affect their social relationships within the host society. Data collected via seven semi-structured interviews and observations is analyzed using the concepts of social capital, human capital and social integration. The findings demonstrate that resources gained through civil society participation pave the way for socialization opportunities between refugees and communities in the host society, thus, enhance social integration. Social resources such as social networks, mental support and civic values, as well as human capital gains in the form of language skills and information foster refugees’ social integration. The study demonstrates that social capital, human capital and social integration are interconnected, as social and human capital affect each other’s accumulation and eventually contribute to social integration. Another significant finding is that refugees think integration needs to be a mutual process between newcomers and the native population. The study further indicates the importance refugees attach to language as an essential tool for social integration.

This qualitative inquiry explores and describes the Refugees Welcome movement in Sweden from 2015 to 2020 by exploring how people became volunteers, their motivation and experience while at the same time describing events, sceneries, and context with the help of their stories. The empirical material consists of 25 interviews with 20 interviewees, the theoretical perspectives come from the fields of volunteering, civil society, and social movements. A thematic analysis is the method used and the results are presented as part 1 Refugees Welcome to Malmö during the refugee crisis in the fall of 2015, and part 2 with the post-2015 Refugees Welcome initiatives separated by the establishment of checkpoints. The volunteers paint a picture of civil society handling an international issue in a globalized world, and what happens when that globalized world closes. The conclusion is that when the states of Europe introduced checkpoints it drastically changed the context of the opportunities to help refugees, cutting off networks of solidarity from the Mediterranean Sea to Malmö Central Station, and when the local authorities took over the responsibility for the refugee reception they cut off civil society and killing the engagement of the volunteers.

This masters thesis discusses Tunisian civil society’s advocacy for decentralization and local elections throughout 2018 on Facebook, while considering age and gender dynamics. Existing studies provide an overview of the decentralization reform process in Tunisia and other countries in the Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) region. This research sheds new light on these issues by addressing decentralization from a Communication for Development (C4D) perspective. The subject of this masters thesis is situated in a threefold context: First, in the context of broader debates on the evolution of decentralization approaches in the decentralization field, second, in the Tunisian context of the decentralization reform process, and finally, in the context of youth participation in public debate and elections in Tunisia. The case study focuses on Mourakiboun (The Observers), considered among the most active Civil society organizations advocating for decentralization and local elections. This research draws on existing research related to social media as a public sphere, social media for development, as well as the concepts of advocacy and civic engagement. This paper analyses Mourakiboun’s advocacy for decentralization and local elections throughout 2018 based on quantitative content analysis of its Facebook page statistics, with a focus on five specific periods. Qualitative surveys for Facebook users, as well as in-depth interviews with Mourakiboun’s representatives, complement the first research method by understanding opinion on this advocacy from involved stakeholders. The main findings of this paper show a gap between active interaction of Facebook users on Mourakiboun’s page, especially 18-34 years old, on Facebook posts related to decentralization and local elections and their participation on May 6th, 2018 local elections. They also show a weak interest of 13-17-year-olds in posts related to decentralization and local elections, and that male users are more engaged with the page than their female counterparts. Additionally, the analysis of Facebook stats highlights the active engagement of users with posts promoting Mourakiboun’s smartphone Apps. Finally, the research findings are also detailed for each of the five periods.

Although issues linked to global environmental change and its role within peace, conflict andsecurity have been subject to social and political controversy for years, they are still notsufficiently respected by energy companies, trade unions, national governments andinternational institutions alike. Through applying the tools of a single instrumental case studylinked to the application of discourse analysis I, this study explores the process of securitizationof the environment in the extraordinary case of the resistance and occupation surrounding theHambach Forest, thereby countering the widely held assumption that collective action aimedat radically changing existing structures is not possible. The particular exploratory focus is puton the way this non-conventional environmental security discourse has been created within aredefined securitization framework. By challenging the traditional focus of securitizationtheory on top-down construction through elites, this study provides a broadened, bottom-upaccount of environmental securitization stemming from local civil society actors as nonpowerholdersthat effectively proclaim their recognition of the environment’s intrinsic valuefrom a grassroots level. Consequently, it argues for the significance of securitization as creativeprocess of alerting policy makers, political leaders and the broader society to the emergency ofclimate change and global environmental degradation symbolized through the specific case ofHambach Forest.

A qualitative research approach and the reliance to a large extent on existing literature are used in this study to demonstrate Zambia's stagnant position in becoming a true democracy. While the country is seen as a beacon of peace in Africa, reflected in the peaceful transfer of power after elections, police brutality is rampant. Those with divergent views are not spared and suffer at the hands of police using the Public Order Act in instances of ‘breach of peace' and as an excuse for maintaining ‘public order'. Zambia continues to have a poor human rights record, reflected in the perpetration of violence against its citizenry with impunity by government officials and the political elites. Alleged cases of corruption rarely end in convictions despite overwhelming evidence of illegal practices. The Electoral Commission of Zambia and the judiciary are often accused of being biased towards the political establishment. A failure to appear autonomous has not only negatively affected their operations but has created negative perceptions and a loss of public confidence in these critical institutions. This, in turn, has resulted in the further undermining of democracy, as these important agencies are seemingly ineffective in ensuring that Zambia becomes a true democracy.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The main research question of this project is: How do the narratives of Caribbean black middle class civil society within the bounds of the “post-postcolonial” state, explain the evolving yet current environment of local and postcolonial civil society development? Using the Bahamas as a case, this project explores the historical, political, cultural, and social conditions that supported the development of civil society within the context of a postcolonial society. Furthermore, an investigation via in-depth interviews, participation observation, archival, and contemporary document analysis contextualizes the present-day work of civil society leaders in the Bahamas. Methodologically, the project employs narrative analysis to uncover the perspectives, voices, and practices of black middle-class Bahamian civil society offering an unfolding, dynamic, and nuanced approach for understanding the historical legacies and contemporary structure of local civil society and philanthropy. The study focuses on three primary forms of narratives. These include the narratives of the past (historical), the narratives of expressive and aesthetic cultural practices, and the narratives of lived experience. The project locates that the development of civil society is linked to historical and cultural forces. The findings show that that the narratives of history, social, and artistic development foregrounds a hybrid model of civil society development drawn from the experience of slavery, colonialism, decolonization, as well as the emerging structures related to economic and political globalization. Furthermore, observed through resilience narratives, local civil society leaders negotiate the boundaries of hybridity in their understanding of their personal, social, and professional identities as well as the way in which they engage government, the public, as well as local and international funders.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In the past 50 years, we have seen significant public and philanthropic investment in building civil society in countries around the globe. This includes initiating community foundations to support the development of vibrant communities and civic life. Yet we have little knowledge about why some initiatives bear fruit and others fail to do so. More specifically, why some community foundations initiated by institutional funders are able to garner local giving necessary to sustain themselves and others are not. This dissertation contributes to our knowledge about such initiatives by researching the Lilly Endowment’s GIFT Initiative (Giving Indiana Funds for Tomorrow), a project providing incentives to start nearly 60 new community foundations and revive 17 existing community foundations in Indiana since 1990. I employed mixed methods and three sources of data: historical archives, statistics of community foundations’ financial information and community demographics, and case studies of four community foundations. First, I found two existing explanations offered in the literature did not account for the lack of local support for the community foundations I studied. More specifically, I found that high level of income and wealth does not necessarily lead to high level of giving to community foundations and the lack of community identity is not the primary reason explaining community foundations’ struggles in attracting local donations. Rather the study shows that social capital is crucial for garnering local giving through the mechanism of facilitating information sharing. Second, I examined the long-term effects of matching grants, a key strategy used by Lilly Endowment to leverage local giving. I found that long-term provision of matching grants might reduce organizations’ incentives to seek funding sources on their own. My dissertation lends further insight into the sustainability of civic infrastructure organizations, a popular institutional model for building local civil society even today.

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Ever since the 1960s, Sweden has heavily invested in international development cooperation, with a target of devoting 1% of the GNI to the matter. For at least as long, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) has had as part of its mission to inform the Swedish public about global development. This mission has been executed mainly through distribution of funds to civil society organisations (CSOs) who have used them for different communication activities.  At the end of 2022, the new right-wing government of Sweden decided to abandon the 1% target and reduce Sida’s funding for communication about development in Sweden by almost 90%. In this thesis, I investigate what concerns this raises among the CSOs. Data was collected through a questionnaire and interviews with CSO representatives.  The data show that the CSOs raise concerns for the government’s decision leading to less knowledge and interest among Swedes about development issues, which they argue will in turn lead to less support for state spending on international development, a weaker civil society, less transparency and accountability and by extension threaten democracy.

What is the impact of civil society on rebel governance? The field of rebel governance has gained increased attention recently, but few researchers highlight the interactive relationship between rebels and local communities. As the principal organisational tool for civilian populations, civil society has been largely overlooked. In this thesis I present a theoretical argument that rebels are likely to cooperate with civil society in establishing governance institutions. Civil society will utilise its expertise, legitimacy, and mobilisation capacity to pressure the rebels to commit to governance, as well as to aid them in this effort. I test this theory by conducting a quantitative study using zero-inflated negative binomial models with data from VDEM and RQSI, with 4800 observations of conflict-years between 1946 and 2012. I find that civil society has a positive relationship with the scope of rebel governance, but only if initial institutions are present. When none are present, civil society decreases the likelihood of new institutions being established. It has become increasingly clear that local civilian actors have agency and can significantly affect the decisions made by rebels. Understanding the effect of civil society helps us to deeper understand this dynamic and helps explain why and how rebels decide to govern.