Ghana’s government implemented the following World Bank programmes: SAP and PRSP. This thesis shows that SAP and PRSP have impacted Ghana in different ways. Sometimes SAP and PRSP worked. Other times both SAP and PRSP had problems and they did not work. SAP created more negative impacts or problems in Ghana than PRSP. The influence of neoliberalism on Ghana’s SAP cannot be ignored. This is because the tenets of neoliberalism include the withdrawal of government subsidies, high productivity, the cutting down of government expenditures or spending and privatization. The withdrawal of government subsidy was seen in the Education and Health sectors of Ghana. In the Education sector under SAP, the government cut down its subsidy to the Ghana Education Service. Then it introduced a programme called “Cost Sharing” in which students and their parents were asked to contribute to the payment of expenditures in providing education in Ghana. Many parents could not afford it, and this led to many school dropouts and a gap in the education of boys and girls. In the health sector, the Ghanaian government cut down its subsidy under SAP. It introduced the “Cash and Carry System,” in which Ghanaians were asked to contribute to the cost of health delivery services. This became a problem for many. Healthcare services became inaccessible for many Ghanaians as well. In the manufacturing sector, under SAP, the rate of productivity fell. Ghana’s products in the world market experienced volatility or fluctuations in prices. In the mining sector the influence of neoliberalism was on privatization. Based on this principle, the government privatized Ghana’s mining sector. It put in place policies that attracted investments into Ghana to do mining. These mining activities contributed significantly to Ghana’s economy. But these mining activities also caused the problem of dislocation of people, loss of farmlands, along with environmental and health problems. SAP had more negative impacts on Ghana. PRSP also impacted Ghana because it attempted to address the problems SAP created in many sectors, including Education, Health, mining, manufacturing sectors. I conclude by saying that although SAP made some contributions to Ghana’s economy especially in the mining sector, it created more problems in the Education, Health, Mining and Manufacturing sectors. PRSP attempted to address them. Thus it cannot be said that both SAP and PRSP impacted Ghana equally in a more positive way. But rather it can said that (1) SAP created more problems in Ghana and PRSP on the other hand attempted to address them.(2)The later developments taking place indicate that the civil society participation in PRSP is having an impact in Ghana.

La présente investigation sur le thème «Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil et les limites politiques de la société civile» se veut une «contribution à la réflexion sur le sens de l’engagement politique citoyen». En effet, en conférant à la société civile la vocation politique de légitimation de l’Etat, le philosophe et sociologue allemand, Jürgen Habermas, postule que la prise de parole sous forme d’exercice public de la raison suffirait pour enclencher un Agir communicationnel à même de faire du citoyen l’acteur et le destinataire des lois et des institutions qui le gouvernent. Mais cet aboutissement ne va pas de soi. Elle dépend, selon le philosophe français, Eric Weil, de conditions particulières induites par la nature et le fonctionnement de la société moderne. La principale préoccupation de cette investigation qui, ose un dialogue virtuel entre les deux penseurs, est de montrer que, si le triomphe planétaire de l’ idée de société civile contribue à l’accélération de l’avènement d’une société universellement administrée dans les limites de la simple raison, l’atteinte de cet objectif reste minée par l’omniprésence de la violence et du non-sens dans la sphère politique contemporaine. Aussi, pour sortir de cette double impasse à laquelle s’expose l’exercice public de la raison, le dialogue entre Jürgen Habermas et Eric Weil s’achève par la primauté de la question du sens. Un aboutissement qui se justifie et justifie par conséquent l’engagement politique citoyen. Car, c’est en continuant à agir de façon raisonnable et non-violente, seul et/ou avec les autres pour l’avènement d’un Etat vrai, malgré la persistance de l’irrationalité, de la violence et du non-sens, que le citoyen contribue au renouvellement du sens de son existence individuelle et collective. / The present investigation on “Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil and civil society political boundaries” is intended to be a “contribution to the reflection on the meaning of citizen political engagement”. Indeed, by giving civil society the political vocation of legitimation of the state, the German philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas, posits that speaking in the form of public speaking exercise of reason would be enough to trigger a Communicational Action making the citizen the actor and the recipient of the laws and institutions that govern him. But this achievement does not happen by itself. It depends, according to the French philosopher Eric Weil, of special conditions created by nature and functioning of modern society.The main aim of this investigation which dares a virtual dialogue between the two thinkers, is to show that if the global triumph of the idea of civil society contributes to the acceleration of the advent of a universally administered society within the limits of simple reason, the achievement of the goal remains undermined by the omnipresence of violence and nonsense in contemporary political sphere.Therefore, to get out of this double impasse to which the public exercise of reason is exposed, dialogue between Jürgen Habermas and Eric Weil ends with the primacy of the question of meaning. An outcome which is justified and therefore justifies the citizen political engagement. It is by continuing to act reasonably, non-violently, alone and/or with others for the advent of a Real State, despite the persistence of irrationality, violence and nonsense that the citizen contributes to the renewal of the meaning of its individual and collective existence.

[pt] Esta dissertação examina o surgimento do movimento ambientalista como parte de um processo maior de conscientização sobre a proteção do meio ambiente. Observa como, através da abertura de espaço discursivo para a participação democrática, as conferências internacionais da ONU sobre o meio ambiente em 1972 e 1992 contribuíram para a formação deste movimento e o próprio conceito do meio ambiente. A discussão utiliza-se dos conceitos que Jurgen Habermas desenvolve na sua teoria de ação comunicativa para destacar a importância da esfera pública e o papel da sociedade civil neste processo. No entanto, a partir de uma comparação da participação do Brasil e os EUA nas duas conferências da ONU, coloca em questão o uso dessa teoria para explicar a atuação desses países e as mudanças ao longo das duas décadas que separaram as conferências. Levanta uma discussão metodológica, inspirada em ideias apresentadas por Michel Foucault, que permite uma análise do surgimento do movimento ambientalista no Brasil e os EUA. Para além disso, contextualiza a participação de ambos os países nas conferências internacionais e a mudança para do foco para o desenvolvimento. Através disso, salienta as tensões entre as perspectivas de Habermas e Foucault, discutindo seus limites e contribuições para esta análise. / [en] This thesis examines the emergence of the environmental movement as part of a larger process of increasing conscientiousness about environmental protection. It looks at how the international UN conferences on the environment in 1972 and 1992 contributed to the formation of this movement, and the concept of the environment, by opening discursive space and allowing for democratic participation. The discussion uses concepts developed by Jurgen Habermas, in his theory of communicative action, to highlight the importance of the public sphere and the role of civil society in this process. However, a comparison of the participation of Brazil and the USA in the two conferences raises questions about the application of this theory. In order to explain the activity of these countries and the changes that occurred during the 20 years that separate the conferences a different perspective is presented. Ideas inspired by Michel Foucault provide a methodological discussion, which permits an analysis of the emergence of the environmental movement in Brazil and the USA. In addition, it contextualizes their participation in the international conferences and helps understand the turn in the international community towards a focus on development. Finally, as a result of the tensions that arise between Habermas and Foucault s perspectives, the limits and contributions of these authors for the herein analysis are uncovered.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2015-09-22T16:42:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TANIA FERREIRA MORAES.pdf: 2803794 bytes, checksum: e6596f5e8495b554f5b2f487c939b836 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-22T16:42:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TANIA FERREIRA MORAES.pdf: 2803794 bytes, checksum: e6596f5e8495b554f5b2f487c939b836 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-03 / This research aims to discuss the relation between formal and non-formal education in the process of inserting children, teenagers, young people and adults in society. In order to make this possible, two organizations in civil society and a public school in the city of São Paulo, were selected, and they are: the Associação dos moradores do Jardim Vila Nova e adjacências, Centro Educacional Força da Mulher and State School Reverendo Irineu Monteiro de Pinho. The organizations and the public school are located in an area of great social vunerability. The study was carried out through documental sources of the organizations and the public school, though oral reports and statements from schools’ managers, educators and participants of the process. The survey indicate that the relation between formal and non-formal education is fundamental for the student’s formation in this new millennium, taming towards a propositional relation which can contribute to a citizen’s formation. As for the organization in civil society, the non-formal education activities are restricted to a few people and the resources to enable the mediator agent’s and more permanent dialogue with the public are lacking the public power needs to have a different view when regarding non-formal educational activities in a way that may facilitate its dialogue with formal education, guaranteeing continuity in the day-to-day life of school’s. / Esta pesquisa objetiva discutir a relação entre educação não-formal e educação formal no processo de inserção de crianças, adolescentes, jovens e adultos na sociedade. Para tal selecionaram-se duas organizações da sociedade civil e uma escola pública na cidade de São Paulo, a saber: a Associação de Moradores do Jardim Vila Nova e Adjacências, o Centro Educacional Força da Mulher e a Escola Estadual Reverendo Irineu Monteiro de Pinho. As organizações da sociedade civil e a escola pública estão localizadas em uma área de ocupação que apresenta grande vulnerabilidade social. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de fontes documentais das organizações da sociedade civil e da escola pública, relatos orais e, depoimentos dos gestores, educadores e participantes do processo. Os levantamentos indicam que a relação entre a educação não-formal e formal é fundamental para a formação dos alunos neste novo milênio, visando a uma relação propositiva que pode contribuir para uma formação cidadã. Quanto às organizações da sociedade civil, as atividades educativas não-formais são restritas para poucos, faltam recursos para capacitar os agentes mediadores e diálogo mais constantemente com a escola pública. O poder público precisa ter um olhar diferenciado para as atividades educativas não-formais de forma que facilite o diálogo com educação formal, garantido-lhes continuidade no dia a dia das escolas.

[pt] Ao longo das últimas três décadas, o Brasil viveu um processo de transformações sociais onde novas fronteiras foram estabelecidas entre Estado e sociedade civil. Nesse processo, um conjunto heterogêneo de entidades, organizações, associações, empresas e fundações criaram novas dinâmicas e rotinas no espaço da escola pública, assim como nas definições de políticas públicas para este setor. Este trabalho surge com uma questão central: seriam essas organizações da sociedade civil argonautas que heroicamente navegam contra a corrente neoliberal ou, ao contrário, seriam elas representantes de um pensamento de princípios liberais, que privatiza responsabilidades e minimiza o papel do Estado? Com essa questão em mente foi realizado um estudo de caso sobre as parcerias existentes na rede municipal de educação do Rio de Janeiro e uma análise de inspiração etnográfica sobre a participação de diferentes atores (ONGs, movimentos sociais e fundações empresariais) na I Conferência Nacional de Educação. Longe das generalizações que fazem das ONGs ora executoras de uma política neoliberal de contenção da pobreza, ora atores fundamentais de uma sociedade civil sempre virtuosa, os resultados desta pesquisa apontam para a necessidade de uma maior profundidade neste debate. Os dados coletados indicam a existência de um cenário complexo, com diferentes percepções de gestores públicos, sujeitos escolares, coordenadores de ONGs, de fundações empresariais e de sindicatos em relação ao termo parcerias público-privadas. Também aponta como essas organizações ocupam um espaço ambíguo no campo educativo: representam um espaço de resistência para profissionais que lutam pela educação pública de qualidade como um direito fundamental, ao mesmo tempo em que contribuem para a percepção de um Estado que é mais eficiente ao repassar suas responsabilidades para organizações privadas via prestação de serviço ou diretamente na compra de sistemas educativos. Além disso, o trabalho de campo também apresenta indícios de como a lógica de mercado está cada vez mais presente na gestão pública e no cotidiano da escola fundamental brasileira. / [en] Over the last three decades, Brazil has gone through a series of social transformations in which new frontiers have been established between the State and Civil Society. Part of these transformations encompasses a heterogeneous group of entities, organizations, associations, businesses, and business foundations that have all brought about new routines within public schools as well as new educational policies in general. The question inspiring this paper is: are these nongovernmental organizations Argonauts heroically navigating against the neoliberal tide or, on the contrary, do they represent liberal thought, privatizing responsibilities and minimizing the role of the State? With this question in mind, a study was held among non-governmental partners of Rio de Janeiro’s municipal educational system and an ethnographically based analysis carried out on how different actors in these groups participated (NGOs, civil movements and business foundations) in the First National Educational Conference. Far from generalizing NGOs as those responsible for neoliberal policies destined to control poverty or as fundamental players in an ever triumphant civil society, the research results suggest the need for a more in-depth debate on the subject. The data gathered indicates a complex scenario in which policy makers, schools, NGO directors, whether these represent business foundations or unions, all perceive privatepublic partnerships differently. These organizations play an ambiguous role in the educational field: representing a place where professionals who strive for quality education as a fundamental public right resist at the same time as they contribute towards the State being perceived as working better when it delegates responsibilities to private organizations, who, for their turn, act as providers or by selling their educational packages to schools. The field work also suggests how a market logic has made itself increasingly present in policy making as well as in the daily life of Brazilian primary schools.

Global social injustice and inequalities remain deeply embedded in our globalized world, often explained as a consequence of the current economic structures and institutions. Therefore, there has been an increase in arenas that attracts mobilization of the global civil society to oppose the neoliberal economic globalization and combat social injustices and inequalities. The World Social Forum (WSF) is an example of an arena that emerged with these purposes. However, research shows that there are criticism regarding the character and function of the WSF. This literature study examines the reasons behind the criticism and compares them with the WSF’s charter of principles to see if the WSF is living up to its ideals. It also analyzes if the WSF’s principles are reflected in the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the 2030 Agenda. This is done through a content analysis and within the framework of social justice and transnational public sphere. The study concludes that the WSF does not live up to its ideals because of a lack in organizational structure, exclusive and elitist character, and also the inequalities and inequities that are reinforced within the WSF. Moreover, the study shows that the WSF’s principles can be found among the 17 SDGs in the 2030 Agenda which can indicate that the WSF has had an indirect role in influencing global development policies.

Tillitsbaserad styrning och ledning har på senare tid vuxit fram som en möjlig styrfilosofi i Sverige. Tillitsbaserad styrning handlar om att organisationer ska förbättra kvaliteten på sitt arbete genom att öka tilliten i styrkedjan. När organisationer interagerar med andra organisationer påverkas de på olika sätt. Men hur, och i vilken utsträckning påverkas relationer mellan aktörer i styrkedjan när myndighetens styrning förändras? Och hur bör relationerna byggas för att bidra till det förväntade resultatet av tillitsbaserad styrning? Syftet med studien var att bidra till kunskapen om tillitsbaserad styrning, genom att undersöka källor till tillit i relationer mellan myndigheter och civilsamhällesorganisationer, i en kontext där myndigheten verkar genom civilsamhällesorganisationen. För att besvara syftet intervjuades fem myndighetsanställda samt en föreningsrepresentant. Även styrdokument från myndigheterna ligger till grund för det empiriska underlaget. Det empiriska underlaget analyserades utifrån Mayer et al.:s tillitsmodell och dess faktorer för tillit, och reflekterar aktuell forskning om hur modellen kan brytas ned och förstås i specifika kontexter. En aktuell forskningsrapport om tillit inom relationer på biståndsområdet har varit bakgrund och inspiration till att bryta ner tillitsfaktorerna till mindre beståndsdelar - tillitskällor. Studiens resultat pekar ut fem möjliga tillitskällor som finns i relationen mellan myndigheter och civilsamhällesorganisationer: kontrollsystem, extern expertis, inter-personella relationer, kommunikation, samt tydlighet och förväntningar. Tillitskällorna bidrar till tillitsbyggandet i att de interagerar och är beroende av varandra - som enskilda aspekter av relationen bidrar de nödvändigtvis inte till att bygga en tillitsbaserad relation. Studien visar också att om en myndighet vill nyttja tillitsbyggande i dessa relationer har detta också konsekvenser på styrningen. Bland annat genom att det bör finnas ett rimligt manöverutrymme för handläggare eller andra professioner inom bidragsprocesser, och att det finns tydligt chefsstöd i det att handläggarna har som uppgift att hantera ett visst mått av risk å myndighetens vägnar. / Trust-based governance and management has recently emerged as a possible governance philosophy in Sweden. Trust-based governance is about organizations improving the quality of their work by increasing trust in the governance chain. When organizations interact with other organizations, they are affected in different ways. But how, and to what extent, are relations between actors in the governance chain affected when the authority's governance changes? And how should relationships be built to contribute to the expected outcomes of trust-based governance? The purpose of the study was to contribute to the knowledge of trust-based governance, by examining sources of trust in relations between authorities and civil society organizations, in a context where the authority operates through the civil society organization. To answer the purpose, five authority employees and one civil society representative were interviewed. Governing documents from the authorities are also included in the basis for the empirical data. The empirical data was analyzed based on Mayer et al.:s model of trust and its factors for trust, and reflects current research on how the model can be broken down and understood in specific contexts. A current research report on trust in relations in the area of international development aid has been the background and inspiration for breaking down the trust factors into smaller components - sources of trust. The results of the study point out five possible sources of trust that exist in the relationship between authorities and civil society organizations: control systems, external expertise, interpersonal relationships, communication, and clarity and expectations. The sources of trust contribute to the building of trust in that they interact and are dependent on each other - as individual aspects of the relationship, they do not necessarily contribute to building a trust-based relationship. The study also shows that if an authority wants to use trust building in these relationships, this also has consequences for governance. Such as, reasonable room for manoeuvre for granting officers or other professionals in grant processes, and that there is clear managerial support due to the fact that the granting officers have the task of managing a certain amount of risk on behalf of the authority.

Since the Swedish reception crisis in 2015/16, civil society has gained increased recognition for its contribution to integration work and the government has made efforts to strengthen its capacities. While civil society should be autonomous and independent from the state, many actors within civil society are dependent on state funding and face a number of difficulties that exacerbate its potential to contribute further to society. As such, this single case study aims to investigate the role of civil society in the local integration and civil society experiences of working with integration. The empirical material consists of seven interviews, two conducted with representatives from the local municipality and five interviews with civil society representatives. 'Governance' forms the theoretical framework of the study, which is employed on the collected interview material to gain a deeper understanding of the role of civil society in regard to integration work. Findings show that civil society fills a complementary role in relation to the public sector, in that it is suitable for work that the state is less able to carry out. Its function is mostly discussed in relation to the social aspects of integration. Moreover, the material suggests that remaining autonomous and independent from the state is difficult, mainly depending on a selective grant system that seems to award certain types of integration work above others; a system that facilitates a dependency on the state. As such, the study awakens important questions involving the autonomy and independence of civil society.

I denna uppsats undersöks hur problem kring bidragsgivning till civilsamhället framställs i Demokrativillkorsutredningen (SOU 2019:35) om skärpta demokratvillkor. Givet att civilsamhällesforskningen pekar på att det offentliga alltmer knutit civilsamhället närmare till sig är det intressant att studera den förändrade relationen i förhållande till den skärpta bidragsreformen. Med en kritiskt granskande ansats kombineras fenomenet shrinking civic space med Carol Bacchis policymetod What’s the Problem Represented to be (WPR) för att analysera statens föreställningar om det odemokratiska civilsamhället samt för att sätta begreppet krympande civilsamhällsutrymme inom en svensk kontext.  Studien av dagens civilsamhällsdiskurs visar att det odemokratiska civilsamhället antas hindras genom ökade kontroller både av de offentliga bidragsgivarna och organisationerna själva. För detta framstår civilsamhällsorganisationer behöva ha fullständig koll på sin verksamhet. Med dagens problemföreställningar och lösningsförslag konstruerar staten således en ny civilsamhällsroll kännetecknad av säkerhetsarbete, kontroll och misstänksamhet. Därmed identifieras modern demokratidiskurs i samverkan med säkerhetiseringsdiskursen bidra till en tudelning av civilsamhället med binära effekter som utgör en grund för att diskutera effekten shrinking space. Studien visar även en frånvaro av civilsamhällets särart samt att interna och externa maktrelationer under de nya demokrativillkoren kan få missgynnande effekter för nyare, mer kontroversiella och marginaliserade civilsamhällsgrupper. / In this essay I examine how problems concerning contributions to civil society are presented in the Democracy Conditions Inquiry (SOU 2019: 35) on stricter democratic conditions. Given that civil society research indicates that the public sector has become more closely associated with civil society, it is interesting to study the changed relationship in relation to the stricter benefit reform. With a critical approach, the phenomenon of shrinking civic space is combined with Carol Bacchi's policy method What's the Problem Represented to be (WPR) in order to analyze the state's notions of undemocratic civil society and to put the concept of shrinking civil society space within a Swedish context. The study of today's civil society discourse shows that the undemocratic civil society is assumed to be hindered by increased controls by both the public donors and the organizations themselves. For this, civil society organizations appear to need to have complete control over their activities. With today's problem representation and solution proposals, the state thus constructs a new civil society role characterized by securitization, control, and suspicion. Thus, modern democracy discourse is identified in collaboration with the security discourse to contribute to a division of civil society with binary effects that form a basis for discussing the effect shrinking space. The study also shows an absence of the special nature of civil society and that internal and external power relations under the new democratic conditions can have unfavorable effects for newer, more controversial, and marginalized civil society groups.

The non-profit sector in the Czech Republic has undergone a significant transformation over the last 120 years. This thesis describes the beginnings of the non-profit sector, its heyday in the First Republic period, as well as the period of decline during the Second World War. Equally, how the civil society developed in the 1970s, on which basis the non-profit sector is built today. The diploma thesis depicts the role of civil society within the non-profit sector, issues and difficulties of the non-profit sector in The Czech Republic and explains to the reader the typology and problems of terminology for the non-profit sector. The last segment of the theoretical part deals with the prospective trends in the non-profit sector, and then in an empirical survey, tries to determine whether we can observe the onset of these promising trends in the Czech Republic. The diploma thesis contains two types of research in this direction: quantitative and qualitative.