1. BACKGROUND 1.1 The key aspects on which the Committee was charged to advise the Deputy President on were: • the appropriate and functional relationships that could be evolved between government and organs of civil society with respect to the provision of capacity for the implementation of the RDP; • the feasibility of an appropriate funding mechanism that would enable a co-ordinated approach to the funding of civil society organisations, the relationships of such a mechanism with current development funding players and other transitional mechanisms; • a mechanism to promote a sustainable partnership between these organisations with government. KEY FINDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE After careful consideration of all pertinent factors, the Committee established that: 2. 1 In spite of broad support for the RDP, there is no coordinated approach to tackling poverty. Government has been able to attract aid and has not found it easy to use such large funding owing to processes of change management and the processes of setting up local government infrastructures. Concomitant with these issues is the lack of management skills at the Government levels. 2. 2 Organs of civil society involved in development work in South Africa remain a rich inheritance for the Government of National Unity. These institutions, generally referred to as Community Based Organisations (CBOs) or Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) span a wide variety of the development landscape. These organs of Civil Society seek to fuel the development agenda of South Africa through participation in the RDP, but have often found themselves frustrated by the lack of clear policy and connecting points with Government in general. 2. 3 Experience from other countries show that the role of CSOs in development and the sustenance of democracy is a key feature of advanced democracies. Foreign research proved that cooperation between CSOs and various tiers government has often produced positive results. Owing to their affinity, empathy and proximity to the broader populace CSOs have always proved to be effective in meeting the basic needs of the population they serve. 2. 4 The initial energizing force for development which broadly funded the CSO sector has transformed. Local development funding institutions have developed a new focus and business approach. The Kagiso Trust and the IDT are gearing themselves to operate as development implementation institutions as against solely the funding of development and the facilitation of funding for development initiatives. 2. 5 Foreign aid funding, money which was historically marked for CSOs, is largely being directly channeled to Government. This source of funding has progressively declined since the 1994 elections. Indications are that this pattern is likely to continue as erstwhile traditional International Aid donors prefer bilateral funding arrangements with government. Corporate grant funding which in any case has always been limited to the CSO sector will continue to flow to corporate programmes and will remain a significant factor to this sector. 2. 6 Development CSOs operate within a restrictive environment in respect of taxation and registration. 2.7 There is broad and significant support for a positive structural relationship and a coordinated funding mechanism between CSOs and Government to promote the objectives and principles of the RDP. 2.8 The need to establish a channel of communication between CSOs and government. Through this mechanism, government and CSOs would be able to agree on RDP and development. / Prepared for the Deputy President the Honorable Mr Thabo Mbeki

Doctor Legum - LLD / The persistence of preventable Maternal Morbidity and Mortality (hereafter MMM), in the developing world, despite ground breaking technological and scientific advances, is unacceptable. There is no cause of death and disability for men between ages 15 and 44 that comes close to the large scale of maternal mortality and morbidity. Thus, the prevalence of high MMM ratios indicates the side-lining of women's rights. Surprisingly, the causal factors of preventable MMM and interventions needed to reverse the pervasively high numbers are now well known. Yet, hundreds of women continue to die daily and to suffer lifelong illnesses while giving birth. In Uganda, despite various regulatory, policy and programmatic strategies, the most recent survey revealed that the maternal mortality ratios were at a staggering 438 per 100,000 live births.

The aim of this thesis is to examine whether Venezuela's democratic decline could be explained by the consolidation theory of Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan. Between the years 2005 – 2017, the organization Freedom House concluded that Venezuela’s political and civil rights declined, resulted in that Freedom House classified Venezuela from “partly free” in 2005 to “not free” in 2017, and several scientists classified Venezuela year 2017 as an autocracy. The method is to apply the consolidation theory and its five arenas (the civil society, the political society, rule of law, state bureaucracy and economic society) in the case Venezuela between the years 2005 – 2017. Each arena contains different qualifications which are all needed for a state to transition from democracy to consolidated democracy. However, in this thesis the aim is to study if the consolidation theory is able to explain a state’s transition from democracy to autocracy. By using material as scientific articles and reports, it is concluded that each arenas’ qualifications have deteriorated between the years 2005 - 2017. Therefore, it is found that the consolidation theory works very well in explaining a state’s transition from democracy to autocracy, which in this case is Venezuela.

Este estudo tem como objetivo principal apresentar uma proposta de compreensão do processo de representação política exercido por organizações da sociedade civil nos espaços públicos dos conselhos, realizada através de uma pesquisa nos Conselhos de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional- Conseas. Trata-se de compreender os impasses na relação dos representantes da sociedade civil nesses Conselhos, com as suas respectivas bases e com o Estado e o modo como estas relações podem ou não contribuir para o aperfeiçoamento da democracia, especialmente nos aspectos referentes à maior inclusão política. Busca-se, também, entender a configuração sócio-política em que a representação aparece e a sua estruturação, ou seja, compreender como se estabelece esta representação, como se constrói a legitimidade e as relações da sociedade civil com o poder público. A representação foi analisada a partir de duas dimensões: dimensão simbólica e dimensão substantiva. As trajetórias dos representantes também condicionam a representação, por isso foram tratadas como peça central de entendimento do processo. A existência de uma trajetória associativa densa e enraizada significa maior capacidade de intervenção nas deliberações nesse espaço de participação e possibilita a ocorrência de um processo de responsabilização social mais efetivo. Os Conseas vêm conseguindo se destacar no campo social por estarem conseguindo inserir diversos grupos sociais no debate público. Entretanto, o maior impasse dos Conseas é a apreensão do tema da segurança alimentar por parte da sociedade civil e do poder público. Ao contrário da representação eleitoral tradicional, na representação política da sociedade civil nesses Conselhos os representantes têm legitimidade pelo reconhecimento acerca de seu grau de competência e qualificação e não necessariamente do vínculo direto com a base. Muitos representantes se constituem como detentores do saber sobre SAN, formando uma espécie de elite política que tem dificuldades em dialogar com os setores tradicionalmente excluídos e, mais ainda, se transformam em "personalidades" detentoras desse poder, e, sob essa ótica, não se preocupam em ter um respaldo da base, pois são os conhecedores da temática. Porém, mesmo que não haja uma autorização formal, é preciso existir uma responsabilidade do representante em repassar e discutir as questões referentes ao tema com os integrantes do grupo e/ou beneficiários das políticas públicas. / The main objective of this study is to understand the process of political representation as exercised by civil society organizations in the public sphere of councils, through a research carried out in Food and Nutritional Security Councils - Conseas. It seeks to comprehend the deadlocks in the relationship of civil society representatives in those Councils with their respective bases and the State, and how these relationships may or may not contribute to the improvement of democracy, especially in aspects related to a greater political inclusion. The goal is also to understand the socio-political setting in which representation arises and the structure it assumes, that is, how representation is established, and legitimacy and the relationships between civil society and the public power are built. Representation was analyzed from two dimensions: symbolic and substantive dimensions. The trajectories of the representatives also affect representation, so they were treated as a central piece in understanding the process. The existence of a dense and deep associative trajectory means greater capacity of intervention in deliberations in that space of participation, and allows the occurrence of a more effective process of social accountability. Conseas have been able to distinguish themselves in the social area because they have been able to insert several social groups in the public debate. However, Conseas major impasse is still the seizure of the issue of food security by civil society and the public power. Unlike traditional electoral representation, in the political representation of civil society in councils, representatives acquire legitimacy by recognition based on their degree of competence and qualification, and not necessarily because of their direct link to the base. Many representatives are considered as holders of knowledge about SAN, forming a sort of political elite who have difficulties in dialogue with traditionally excluded sectors and, even more, become "personalities" holding power. Under this view, they are not concerned in having the support of the base, because they consider themselves as knowledgeable on the subject. But even if there is no formal authorization, it is required a representative's responsibility to repass and to discuss issues related to the subject with members of the group and / or beneficiaries of public policies.

p. 1-249 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-03-13T18:50:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 77777.pdf: 2051645 bytes, checksum: 7010179bc9f09b881d4f2b38b3bd5dfb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima(tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2013-03-13T20:02:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 77777.pdf: 2051645 bytes, checksum: 7010179bc9f09b881d4f2b38b3bd5dfb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-03-13T20:02:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 77777.pdf: 2051645 bytes, checksum: 7010179bc9f09b881d4f2b38b3bd5dfb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Esta dissertação buscou analisar como a participação cidadã ocorre nas políticas públicas de habitação popular na Bahia, representadas pelo Programa Viver Melhor: se ela existe, como ela se dá na prática e que impactos gera, desde o planejamento à implementação destas políticas. A pesquisa delineou-se como uma pesquisa quanti-qualitativa, tendendo para uma abordagem mais qualitativa e utilizou estudo de caso com uso de análise de conteúdo para análise dos dados. Os dados analisados foram, fundamentalmente, dados secundários (documentos oficiais, bibliografia sobre o tema, publicações institucionais, atas de reuniões) e entrevistas com gestores, técnicos e sociedade civil (morador, liderança, ONG). A partir da delimitação das lógicas de ação destes atores e construção de seus discursos, foram estes dados analisados com base no referencial teórico levantado, e concluiu-se que a participação existente, apesar dos avanços, ainda não se configura como participação cidadã, seja pela desarticulação e fragilidade da população no exercício de práticas participativas e aprendizado da cidadania, seja pela falta de uma pedagogia adequada de participação, com formas de abordagem comunitária que realmente sensibilizem a comunidade, seja pela gestão política local, tecnocrática e com resquícios de autoritarismo, bem como pela divergência entre as lógicas políticas de ação dos atores envolvidos nesta problemática. Estas intervenções urbanísticas e habitacionais do Programa Viver Melhor não ocorrem segundo lógica participativa democratizante, mas camuflam interesses econômicos alinhados com o projeto neoliberal e com exigências dos organismos financiadores. Há um incremento da qualidade de vida, pela precariedade imensa de condições das populações de baixa renda na Bahia, mas não estímulo real à cidadania, conforme concebida nesta pesquisa. / Salvador

A tese tem o propósito de analisar a trajetória dos conselhos municipais em Porto Alegre de 1937 a 2008, identificando o modo como os representantes da sociedade civil foram inseridos em tais instâncias e a quem o Estado se dirigia para ocupar a posição de conselheiro. Tem como questões centrais: (1) a análise dos procedimentos de acesso de tais integrantes aos conselhos; (2) quando e como começou o estabelecimento da relação mais estreita entre governo e sociedade em Porto Alegre; (3) quais as categorias representantes da sociedade e como elas foram definidas; (4) qual o tipo de papel ou atribuição que era esperado de tais representações; (5) qual o tipo de procedimento ou mecanismo utilizado nesta inserção da sociedade e a subjacente concepção de política que estava em jogo nestes cenários. São considerados fundamentais neste estudo duas conjunturas de surgimento destas instâncias em nosso país: os anos 30 e o período pósredemocratização. No entanto, para efeito de análise o período de 1937-2008, dividiu-se em fases que foram esboçadas em consonância com as etapas da história política brasileira, a saber: o Estado Novo, a democratização a partir de 1946, o período ditatorial do regime militar, a transição democrática e a redemocratização após a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, e, a primeira gestão após a saída do Partido dos Trabalhadores da prefeitura de Porto Alegre. Levando em conta os diferentes períodos pelos quais passou o município foi possível identificar ao longo dessa trajetória, duas formas que tiveram regularidade de conceber e tratar a presença da sociedade civil junto ao governo: a sociedade dos “ilustres” ou qualificados e a sociedade “participante”, que, por sua vez, conformam modelos distintos de conselho: o tradicional e o democrático que, longe de se suplantarem, acabam sinalizando a existência de um modelo híbrido de conselho. / The thesis aims to analyse the trajectory of municipal councils in Porto Alegre from 1937 to 2008 in order to identify how civil society representatives were included in such instances and who the state was going to hold the position of advisor for. Its main points: (1) an analysis of participants’ access procedures to such councils; (2) when and how a closer relationship between the government and the society was established in Porto Alegre; (3) what categories represent the society and how they have been defined; (4) what role or responsibility was expected from such representatives; (5) what type of procedure or mechanism was used in this insertion of society and the underlying political concept at stake in these scenarios. In our country, two conjunctures originating such instances were regarded as fundamental in this study: the 30s and the postredemocratization period. However, for purposes of analysis of the 1937-2008 period, we established phases which were in line with the stages of the Brazilian political history, namely the New State; the democratization after 1946; the dictatorial period of the military regime; the democratic transition and the redemocratization after the Federal Constitution of 1988; and the first term after the Labour Party left Porto Alegre’s municipality. Regarding the different moments the city has experienced along this path ever since, two ways have been established as constant in conceiving and dealing with the presence of the civil society within the government: a society of the "distinguished" or qualified, and the "participating" society which, in turn, constitute different council models: the traditional and the democratic one. Far from supplanting each other, they seem to signal the existence of a hybrid model of council.

Un possible, impossible, la coproduction des connaissances entre science et société. La recherche est une activité sociale principalement déléguée aux chercheurs professionnels au sein des laboratoires académiques ou privés, dans une certaine mise à distance du reste de la société. A la faveur du « tournant participatif », des acteurs de la société civile sont invités aux côtés des chercheurs professionnels, par de nouveaux dispositifs de financement de la recherche, à contribuer à la production de connaissances nouvelles dans des domaines d’intérêt sociétal. Que se passe-t-il dans ces recherches collaboratives? Des connaissances scientifiques peuvent-elles y être co-construites ? Et de telles collaborations sont-elles en mesure de renouveler les modes de production de la connaissance déléguée aux chercheurs ? C’est au travers d’un regard qui postule la question de la traduction comme majeure dans l’émergence d’une possible co-construction entre acteurs et chercheurs qu’est conduite cette étude de dispositif de recherche collaborative. La traduction implique des plans multiples de l’interaction qui sont autant des manières de passer entre les registres de connaissances et les intérêts des uns et des autres que des interprétations qu’ils produisent pour leur donner du sens. Cette dimension centrale de la traduction entre des mondes scientifiques et associatifs est abordée dans une double perspective épistémologique. Une première approche issue de la sociologie de la traduction permet de saisir comment acteurs et chercheurs s’associent et relient leurs différentes identités et intérêts, ainsi que leurs savoirs et les différents objets de recherche pour réaliser des inscriptions scientifiques. Il en émerge des agencements collaboratifs dont les configurations plurielles témoignent de conditions de co-construction. Une seconde approche mobilise l’herméneutique de la traduction pour rendre compte des capacités d’interprétation et d’apprentissage qui peuvent émerger de ces collaborations de recherche. Elle place au cœur des interactions les capacités de délibération et de reconnaissance qui orientent les agencements collaboratifs vers une capacité collective de recherche.A l’issue de cette analyse, l’identification de conditions d’interaction favorisant la co-construction de connaissances entre acteurs de la société civile et chercheurs professionnels permet de réinterroger la possibilité d’inscrire, au côté des modes dominants de production scientifique, un mode de coproduction qui participe d’un renouvellement des rapports entre science et société. / A possible, impossible, the co-production of knowledge between science and society. Research is primarily a social activity delegated to professional researchers in academic and private laboratories, with a certain distancing from the rest of society. Taking advantage of the "participatory turn", actors in civil society are invited alongside professional researchers, with new research funding arrangements, to contribute to the production of new knowledge in areas of societal interest. What is happening in this collaborative research? Can scientific knowledge be co-constructed? And are such collaborations able to renew the modes of production of knowledge delegated to researchers?It is from this way of looking at things that the question is posited regarding translation as a major premise in the emergence of a possible joint construction between civil society actors and researchers who are driving this collaborative research plan. Translating involves multiple planes of interaction which are in as many ways, ways of passing between different people's different registers of knowledge and interests as they are interpretations which are produced to give these registers meaning. This central dimension of translation between scientific and associative worlds is addressed in a double epistemological perspective. A firstly sociological approach to translation captures how actors and researchers combine and link their different identities and interests and their knowledge and different research objects to achieve scientific inscriptions. Collaborative arrangements emerge from this with various configurations which demonstrate the conditions of co-construction. A second approach mobilizes the hermeneutics of translation to account for interpretation and learning abilities that can emerge from these research collaborations. It places deliberation and recognition capabilities at the heart of interactions, which guide collaborative arrangements towards a collective research capacity.Following this analysis, the identification of interaction conditions favouring the co-construction of knowledge between civil society actors and professional researchers can re-examine the possibility of including, alongside the dominant modes of scientific production, a way of co-producing which is part of a renewal of the relationship between science and society.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-02T21:43:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Gremmelmaier Candido.pdf: 1108317 bytes, checksum: f511b01243730105a173172ac4a34464 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-08 / This research studies the existence and activity of a civil society organization in São Bernardo do Campo (SBC). By using the tools of citizen participation, in particular the one that constitutes the Participatory Budget, it examines whether and how this organization relates both with the townspeople and the levels of executive power in pursuit of a proposal for a government that meets the expectations of those it represents in addition to its own aspirations. Through a historical record, the study seeks to contextualize the municipality for its economic, political and social aspects. By means of bibliographic survey and a following-up through interviews, it was carried out a case study in a non-governmental social organization that has a special view about the young citizens of SBC, in order to verify in what manner this entity is planned and managed to attend to their social expectations. Ultimately, it is expected to understand how a civil society organization, in line with it wants for itself, reflects its goals in the proposals and plenary sessions of Participatory Budget of SBC, performed in 2010 for 2011. / Esta pesquisa estuda a existência e atuação de uma organização da sociedade civil em São Bernardo do Campo (SBC). A partir da utilização de ferramentas da participação cidadã, em especial a que constitui o Orçamento Participativo, ela analisa se e como esta organização se relaciona com os munícipes e com as esferas do poder executivo na busca por uma proposta de governo que atenda aos anseios daqueles a que representa, além das próprias aspirações. O estudo busca, através de um relato histórico, contextualizar o município pelos aspectos econômicos, políticos e sociais. A partir de levantamentos bibliográficos e acompanhamento, por meio de entrevistas, realizou-se um estudo de caso em uma entidade social não governamental que tem especial olhar sobre o jovem cidadão são-bernardense, a fim de verificar como esta entidade é planejada e gerida para atender às aspirações sociais destes. Espera-se, ao final, entender como uma organização da sociedade civil, em consonância com o que pretende para si mesma, reflete seus objetivos nas propostas e plenárias de Orçamento Participativo de SBC, realizadas em 2010 para o ano 2011.(AU)

Esta tese analisa de que forma a reconfiguração do campo da assistência, observada no Brasil, a partir do final dos anos 80 e ao longo da década de 90, vem alterando as dinâmicas associativas das organizações da sociedade civil em termos dos seus repertórios organizacionais e de ação, da adoção de novos marcos interpretativos e do acesso a recursos financeiros. A pesquisa revela que essa reconfiguração resultou de múltiplos processos que confluíram nos anos 90 para a formação de uma conjuntura crítica, através da qual novas oportunidades e constrangimentos se apresentaram para os atores desse campo. O estudo adota como referente empírico o conjunto das organizações/entidades sociais que participaram do programa Rede Parceria Social no RS, o qual encampa um modelo de gestão para a área social que tem sido muito criticado por parte da literatura das Ciências Sociais e do Serviço Social. A investigação empírica da pesquisa foi realizada através de um survey, aplicado a todas as organizações que integraram o programa RPS nas suas três primeiras edições, de entrevistas semi-diretivas com atores que participaram da difusão dos procedimentos e ferramentas de gestão no meio associativo no RS, de entrevistas com os formuladores do programa RPS e, finalmente, por meio de dois estudos de caso em organizações sociais com trajetórias institucionais distintas, mas que participaram do programa RPS na mesma época. Como resultado, a pesquisa aponta que as oportunidades políticas são apropriadas de forma diversa pelos atores associativos, de acordo com as suas trajetórias institucionais e a sua posição no campo da assistência, contestando as teses que apontam para um processo amplo de colonização dos atores da sociedade civil pelo mercado ou de sua hegemonização por um projeto político neoliberal. / This thesis examines how the reconfiguration in the assistance's field, observed in Brazil, from the late 80s and throughout the 90s, has been altering the associative dynamics of civil society organizations in terms of their organizational repertoires and action, the adoption of new interpretive frameworks and the access to financial resources. The research reveals that this reconfiguration resulted in multiple processes that converged to form, in the 90s, a critical juncture, by which new opportunities and constraints presented themselves to the players in this field. The study adopts as empirical referent the group of social organizations that participated in a program called Rede Parceria Social (Social Partnership Network) in Rio Grande do Sul, which adopts a management model for the social field that has been heavily criticized by a section of Social Sciences and Social Work's literary works. The empirical research was conducted by a survey applied to all organizations that joined the RPS program in its first three editions, using semi-directive interviews with players who participated in the diffusion of procedures and management tools into the associative environment in the RS, through interviews with the formulators of the RPS program, and, finally, using two case studies in social organizations with distinct institutional trajectories, but who participated in the RPS program around the same time. The outcome showed by the research indicates that political opportunities are appropriated in different manners by the associative players in accordance with their institutional trajectories and their position in the assistance field, challenging the theories which point to a broad colonization process of the civil society players through the market or their hegemony by a neoliberal political project.

Orientadora: Profa. Dra. Camila Caldeira Nunes Dias / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2017. / A questão norteadora dessa pesquisa é compreender as formas de resistências contemporâneas às violências protagonizadas pela Polícia Militar do estado de São Paulo (PMESP), através da atuação de alguns "coletivos". Ao longo do presente trabalho será exposta a formação, tipos de atuação e as dinâmicas de coletivos que têm como pauta a violência policial. Considerados como potências insurgentes, apresentam particularidades e similaridades entre si ao expressarem seus tipos de resistências. Entre as variadas metodologias, os discursos, os tipos organizacionais, as possíveis conexões entre pares e a relação que estabelecem com o Estado ¿ ou a sua negação ¿, busca-se refletir sobre as limitações, assim como, as possibilidades de contestação no que tange ao modelo policial e suas práticas abusivas que atendem ao desejo de controle do Estado. / The guiding question of this research is understanding the forms of contemporaries resistance to the violence carried out by the Military Police of the state of São Paulo (PMESP), through the performance of some "collectives". Throughout the present work will be exposed the formation, types of action and the dynamics of collectives that have the police violence as a theme. Considered as insurgent powers, they present particularities and similarities among themselves when expressing the different kinds of resistance. Among several methodologies, speeches, organizational types, the possible connections between pairs and the relationship that they establish with the state - or its negation -, it is sought to reflect the limitations, as well as possibilities of contestation in regards to the police model and its abusive practices that meet the desire of control of the State.