Will community television one day be lamented in the same way as the Glenn Valley Bridge Club in Pennsylvania, where no one remains 'who can tell us precisely when or why the group broke up' (Putnam, 2000: 15)? Robert Putnam's bestseller Bowling Alone proposed that people 'need to reconnect with one another' and rebuild their communities for the good of society. Although he may not have succeeded in instigating a revival of lawn bowls and bridge, Putnam did spark a debate about the meaning of "community" today and its role in bringing about positive social change. At a time when the communications landscape is set to transform with the introduction of digital broadcasting technology, this thesis looks at the status of community broadcasting and its role within civil society. Taking Australia's community television sector as its starting point, it aims to define the pressures, public philosophies and policy decisions that make community broadcasting what it is. This thesis is structured thematically and geographically. The introductory chapters establish the research question in relation to Australia's community broadcasting sector. As well as tracing the intellectual path of community media studies, it sets out to locate community broadcasting within broader intellectual debates around notions of community, governance and the media. These are brought back to the "on-the-ground" reality throughout the thesis by means of policy analysis, interviews and anecdotal evidence. Chapters Three to Five map out the themes of access, the public interest and development by reference to community broadcasting in different regions. In North America I explore notions of free speech and first-come-first served models of access. In Europe, notions of "quality", public service broadcasting and the difficult relationship that community broadcasting has with public interest values. Through the Third World and the Third Way I examine how community broadcasting is implicated within development discourse and ideas of social change. The final chapter of the thesis moves into the virtual region of the Internet, looking at changing notions of access and the relevance of new communications rationales to the community broadcasting project. At the intersection of the various themes and models discussed throughout the thesis exists a strong rationale for the future of community broadcasting. Although new technologies may be interpreted as the beginning of the end of community broadcasting, I have argued that in fact it is an idea whose time has come.

Tez (Doktora) - Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, İşletme Anabilim Dalı, 2007. / Bibliyografya var.

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala University, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [210]-228).

Submitted by FABIANA DA SILVA FRANÇA (fabiana21franca@gmail.com) on 2018-02-23T18:58:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivo Total.pdf: 1918740 bytes, checksum: 32bae07f33ce225df16f18d8eaecf3be (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-23T18:58:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivo Total.pdf: 1918740 bytes, checksum: 32bae07f33ce225df16f18d8eaecf3be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-25 / This research aimed to analyze the democratic manangement in the construction processes and approval of the national education plan - PNE (2014-2024). It sought to presentethe debates and clashes in the state and civil society around the object of analysis. For this, we took as reference the conceptof enlarged state by Antonio Gramsci as wellas the analysis by Coutinho (2000) that it understands in society and education the existence of two conflicting projects: the liberal corporate project or neoliberalism and the mass democratic project. The survey procedures comprehend the documentary and bibliografic analysis of primary and secondary texts in a problematizing way. As foundations we report in the studies of authors Like Gramsci (2000), Coutinho (1999, 2000), Cury (2007, 2009, 2014), Dourado (1990, 2010, 2011, 2014, 2017), Paro (1999, 2007, 2016), Freire (1991, 1997, 2001a, 2001b, 2006, 2015, 2017), Freitas (2011, 2014, 2017), among o thers. Based on this study, it was possible to verify that although there hasbeena closer relationship between the state (in a strict sense) and civil society in the construction process the approbation of the PNE (2014-2024) and we verify more debates around the theme of democratic management andoof two management proposal that disputed hegemony democratic and managerial the predominant perspective in law 13.005/2015 of PNE (2014 – 2024) it was the managerial to the detriment of the democratic. The data still reveled that this management perspective corroborates with the neoliberal tendency of the 1990s and points to meritocracy and accountability in managerial management process, thus legitimizes the appraiser state and consequently responsible managers and the school community for school failure. / Esta pesquisa objetivou analisar as propostas para a gestão democrática apresentadas nos processos de construção e aprovação do Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE) 2014-2024. Buscou apresentar os debates e embates no Estado e na sociedade civil em torno do objeto de análise. Para tanto, tomamos como referência o conceito de Estado Ampliado de Antônio Gramsci, assim como, à análise de Coutinho (2000) que compreende na sociedade e na educação a existência de dois projetos conflitantes: o projeto liberal corporativo ou neoliberalismo e o projeto democrático de massas. Os procedimentos da pesquisa compreendem a análise documental e bibliográfica, de textos primários e secundários de forma problematizadora. Como fundamentos, nos reportamos aos estudos de autores como Gramsci (2000), Coutinho (1999, 2000), Cury (2007, 2009, 2014), Dourado (1990, 2010, 2011, 2014, 2017), Paro (1996, 2007, 2016), Freire (1991, 1993, 1997, 2001a, 2001b, 2006, 2015a, 2015b, 2017), Freitas (2011, 2014, 2017), dentre outros. A partir desse estudo, foi possível constatar que apesar de ter havido uma relação mais próxima entre o Estado (em sentido estrito) e a sociedade civil no processo de construção a aprovação do PNE (2014-2024) e constatarmos mais debates em torno do tema da gestão democrática, das duas propostas de gestão que disputaram hegemonia, a democrática e a gerencial, a perspectiva predominante na Lei nº 13.005/2014 do PNE (2014-2024) foi a gerencial em detrimento da democrática. Os dados ainda revelaram que essa perspectiva de gestão corrobora com a tendência neoliberal da década de 1990, e aponta a meritocracia e a responsabilização nos processos de gestão gerencial, assim, legitima o Estado avaliador e, consequentemente, institui mecanismos de responsabilização de gestores e da comunidade escolar pelo fracasso da escola.

O objetivo dessa dissertação foi analisar as estratégias de implementação das ações educacionais do Programa Brasil Sem Homofobia no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, evidenciando suas principais contradições, apontando neste processo os limites e avanços – e como elas têm contribuído para a consolidação daquela política. Com base no referencial teórico metodológico materialista histórico dialético, procuramos evidenciar as condições históricas que possibilitaram a elaboração do Programa Brasil Sem Homofobia. Os dados que nos permitiram dizer dos avanços e limites da política foram buscados em relatórios produzidos pela Secretaria de Educação Continuada e Diversidade do MEC, editais para concorrência de projetos, termos de referência e nos Planos de Ações Articuladas dos sistemas de ensino. Três principais estratégias de implementação foram encontradas a partir dessa análise: parcerias com ONGs, convênio com Universidades Federais e nos Planos de Ações Articuladas. A conquista do Programa Brasil Sem Homofobia resulta da correlação de forças empreendida entre Estado e Movimento LGBT, que, ao longo de suas três décadas de existência, tiveram a relação alterada passando de oponentes a parceiros na execução de políticas voltadas para a população LGBT. Configurou-se como avanço na medida em que houve, em um primeiro momento, a participação de militantes do movimento vinculadas a ONGs LGBT na sua elaboração definindo o conteúdo da política. O envolvimento das ONGs no processo de execução foi fundamental para o início do processo de implementação do Programa, pois possibilitou a expansão da atuação do Movimento na educação através dos projetos executados para professores das redes públicas de ensino. No entanto, essas parcerias concederam um caráter fragmentário e pontual para a política na medida em que foram desenvolvidos apenas onde havia ONGs interessadas em executar projetos voltados ao combate da homofobia, deixando muitas regiões do Brasil desassistidas. Os convênios realizados com Universidades Federais também foram fundamentais para o fortalecimento da política na medida em que se envolveram através de convênios instancias que compõem o aparato estatal. No entanto, a entrada das Universidades representou um limite para a política na medida em que as ONGs foram sendo excluídas do processo de implementação. Quando a política de formação continuada de professores com temáticas voltadas para a discussão do combate ao sexismo e à homofobia na escola entrar na pauta do Plano de Desenvolvimento da Educação, a possibilidade de acesso aos professores se expandirá a todos os sistemas de ensino. Neste caso também o Estado retomará para si a responsabilidade da execução, no entanto a política a qual deveria combater a homofobia tem sido alvo de discriminação na medida em que não vem sendo solicitada pelos sistemas municipais e estaduais de educação. / The objective of this dissertation was to analyze the implementation strategies of the educational activities of the Brazil Without Homophobia Program in Rio Grande do Sul showing its main contradictions, pointing in the limits and progress and how they have contributed to consolidate the policy. Based on theoretical and methodological historical materialist dialectic we seek to show the historical conditions that enabled the creation of the Brazil Without Homophobia. The data which permitted the analyses of the advances and policy limits were reached in reports produced by the Department for Continuing Education and Diversity of the MEC, in competitive bidding of projects, terms of reference and Plan of Action Linkage of education. Three main strategies of implementation were found from this analysis: partnerships with NGOs, partnership with universities and Federal Response Plans Linked. The conquest of the Brazil Without Homophobia was a correlation of forces waged between state and LGBT movement, which over its three decades of existence had the relationship changed from an opponent's position to a partner’s position in the implementation of policies for the LGBT population. Configured as a breakthrough in that it was at first the participation of militants linked to the movement LGBT NGOs in the preparation of defining the content of the policy. The involvement of NGOs in the implementation process was essential for initiating the process of implementing the program since it allowed the expansion of the Movement's role in education through projects implemented for teachers in the public school system. However, such partnerships granted a fragmentary and timely for the policy as it is developed only where there were NGOs interested in implementing projects aimed at combating homophobia, leaving many regions of Brazil unattended. The agreements made with public universities, were also fundamental to the strengthening of policy in that it involved instances that make up the state apparatus. However, entering the universities represented a limit for the policy to the extent that NGOs were being excluded from the process of implementation. When the policy of continuing education for teachers with the topic of discussion focused on the fight against sexism and homophobia in school into the agenda of the Development Plan for Education, to gain access to teachers expands to all education systems. Here again the State takes upon itself the responsibility for implementation, however, the policy should tackle homophobia has been discriminated against in that it has not been requested by the municipal and state education.

Esta tese analisa de que forma a reconfiguração do campo da assistência, observada no Brasil, a partir do final dos anos 80 e ao longo da década de 90, vem alterando as dinâmicas associativas das organizações da sociedade civil em termos dos seus repertórios organizacionais e de ação, da adoção de novos marcos interpretativos e do acesso a recursos financeiros. A pesquisa revela que essa reconfiguração resultou de múltiplos processos que confluíram nos anos 90 para a formação de uma conjuntura crítica, através da qual novas oportunidades e constrangimentos se apresentaram para os atores desse campo. O estudo adota como referente empírico o conjunto das organizações/entidades sociais que participaram do programa Rede Parceria Social no RS, o qual encampa um modelo de gestão para a área social que tem sido muito criticado por parte da literatura das Ciências Sociais e do Serviço Social. A investigação empírica da pesquisa foi realizada através de um survey, aplicado a todas as organizações que integraram o programa RPS nas suas três primeiras edições, de entrevistas semi-diretivas com atores que participaram da difusão dos procedimentos e ferramentas de gestão no meio associativo no RS, de entrevistas com os formuladores do programa RPS e, finalmente, por meio de dois estudos de caso em organizações sociais com trajetórias institucionais distintas, mas que participaram do programa RPS na mesma época. Como resultado, a pesquisa aponta que as oportunidades políticas são apropriadas de forma diversa pelos atores associativos, de acordo com as suas trajetórias institucionais e a sua posição no campo da assistência, contestando as teses que apontam para um processo amplo de colonização dos atores da sociedade civil pelo mercado ou de sua hegemonização por um projeto político neoliberal. / This thesis examines how the reconfiguration in the assistance's field, observed in Brazil, from the late 80s and throughout the 90s, has been altering the associative dynamics of civil society organizations in terms of their organizational repertoires and action, the adoption of new interpretive frameworks and the access to financial resources. The research reveals that this reconfiguration resulted in multiple processes that converged to form, in the 90s, a critical juncture, by which new opportunities and constraints presented themselves to the players in this field. The study adopts as empirical referent the group of social organizations that participated in a program called Rede Parceria Social (Social Partnership Network) in Rio Grande do Sul, which adopts a management model for the social field that has been heavily criticized by a section of Social Sciences and Social Work's literary works. The empirical research was conducted by a survey applied to all organizations that joined the RPS program in its first three editions, using semi-directive interviews with players who participated in the diffusion of procedures and management tools into the associative environment in the RS, through interviews with the formulators of the RPS program, and, finally, using two case studies in social organizations with distinct institutional trajectories, but who participated in the RPS program around the same time. The outcome showed by the research indicates that political opportunities are appropriated in different manners by the associative players in accordance with their institutional trajectories and their position in the assistance field, challenging the theories which point to a broad colonization process of the civil society players through the market or their hegemony by a neoliberal political project.

Inscrita no referencial teórico dos Estudos Culturais em Educação de vertente pósestruturalista, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo examinar a pedagogia colocada em operação por organizações da sociedade civil sem fins lucrativos no nicho da formação de professores e os possíveis efeitos de verdade que ela pretende disseminar. Seu corpus empírico é composto por materiais disponíveis na Internet sobre o funcionamento dessas instituições e por documentos relacionados às cinco estratégias identificadas como formas de implementação de tal pedagogia, quais sejam: a) edição de prêmios e exaltação de experiências de sucesso; b) realização e/ou publicização de pesquisas; c) publicação de revistas, livros e outros documentos; d) participação em discussões sobre educação; e e) oferta de programas de formação e cursos independentes. A fim de analisar essa gama de materiais, busquei inspiração teórico-metodológica na produção foucaultiana sobre discurso. Afora contribuir nesse sentido, Foucault foi tomado como referência na realização das discussões sobre neoliberalismo e educação junto a autores como Ball, Peck, Gadelha, López-Ruiz, Sibilia e outros. Para abordar as organizações da sociedade civil sem fins lucrativos, recorri à Ferrarezi, Cassepp, Oliveira e Haddad. Já no que se refere à(s) pedagogia(s), busquei aporte teórico nos trabalhos de Costa, Camozzato, Andrade, Veiga-Neto, entre outros. A tese defendida em seu decorrer é que as organizações investigadas colocam em prática uma pedagogia a qual denominei de híbrida por resultar da combinação de características das pedagogias escolares e daquelas nomeadas como pedagogias culturais. Essa pedagogia híbrida produz sua própria necessidade, bem como opera no intuito de efetivar as aprendizagens almejadas por meio de processos cíclicos que tem como ponto de partida (e de chegada) modelos pré-estabelecidos pelas instituições que a implementam: de formação docente, no primeiro caso; e de professor, no segundo caso. Ademais, também faz parte dessa tese argumentativa a proposição de que a pedagogia sob análise, ao disseminar aprendizagens fortemente relacionadas a preceitos da lógica neoliberal, seria uma das formas de fazer o neoliberalismo funcionar “dentro de nós”, de ele “nos constituir”, como diz Ball (2014). Uma forma especialmente estratégica, porque, ao ter como foco a formação de professores, os investimentos para que os ideais neoliberais sejam internalizados são potencializados, visto que os efeitos dessa pedagogia não atingem apenas os docentes, mas também os estudantes com os quais ele trabalha, assim como, por meio deles, quiçá a sociedade como um todo. E, ao proporcionar que tal racionalidade funcione desse modo, a referida pedagogia contribui no sentido de reduzir a necessidade de estratégias exógenas do neoliberalismo no intuito de mantê-lo como lógica vigente. / Belonging to the theoretical framework of Cultural Studies in Education, specifically its poststructuralist branch, this research aims to analyze the pedagogy performed by some civil society non-profit organizations in the niche of teacher education and the possible truth effects that it may disseminate. Its empirical corpus is composed by materials available online about the working system of these institutions and through documents related to five strategies identified as ways of implementation of this pedagogy, such as: a) award editions and exaltation of successful experiences; b) research conduction and publicizing; c) publication of journals, books, and other documents; d) discussions in education participation; and e) education programs and independent courses offers. In order to analyze these materials, I searched theoretical and methodological inspiration in Foucault’s production on discourse. Besides contributing on this sense, Foucault were part of the theoretical background in the discussions on neoliberalism and education along with others such as Ball, Peck, Gadelha, López-Ruiz, Sibilia. To approach civil society non-profit organizations, I resorted to Ferrarezi, Cassepp, Oliveira e Haddad. In terms of pedagogie(s), I found theoretical support on works by Costa, Camozzato, Andrade, Veiga-Neto, among others. The thesis defended throughout this research is that the organizations analized put into practice a pedagogy which I have named as hybrid since it results from a combination of characteristics from both school and cultural pedagogies. This hybrid pedagogy produces its own necessities, and it operates with the intent of making the aimed learning outcomes effective through cycle processes that have, as a starting (and arrival) point, models already established by institutions which have implemented them: models of teacher education, in the first case; and models of teachers themselves, in the second case. Moreover, it is also part of this argumentative thesis the proposition that the pedagogy under analysis, while disseminating pedagogies strong related to neoliberal logic precepts, would allow for making neoliberalism work ‘inside us’, ‘constituting us’, as Ball (2014) has claimed. This is an special strategic way, because having the focus on teacher education may potentialize the internalization of investments on neoliberal ideas, since the effects of this pedagogy not only impact teachers, but also their students, and through them, mostly likely the society as a whole. By making this rationale work in this way, the hybrid pedagogy contributes to the reduction of neoliberalism exogenous strategies to maintain the prevailing logic.

Civil organisations play a key intermediary role in the middle layer between high- level policies and individual-level outcomes in international development. By triangulating among seven Chinese HIV civil organisations with varying organisational models, I examine intermediary activity that illuminates the mechanisms by which civil organisations operate and extends theory about organisations and civil society. Development studies research can benefit from multi-level analyses of organisational processes, which provide insight into how civil organisations shape institutions and networks. My case studies show several new mechanisms that enable organisations to survive and operate in politically fraught conditions, and they offer insight into the complex interactions that allow civil organisations to operate in such contexts. First, HIV civil organisations manage associative stigma resultant from their core activities. I observe that market relationships can buffer against associative stigma transfer for organisations, with many leaders re-positioning their organisations relative to stigmatised individuals, recasting them as employees, customers, and users rather than constituents. Second, these groups use hybrid organising to better manage political risks and build partnerships through selective coupling of organisational components. Hybrid strategies can provide resilience to threats and improve resource management in institutionally plural environments. Third, HIV civil organisations engage in detached, informal, and interactive collaboration with state actors, enabling greater autonomy and innovation among civil actors and reducing risk for state actors. I trace interactions between these strategic activities at the levels of organisational activities, structures, and networks, finding that reproducing ambiguity can sustain new types of collaborations. These findings suggest a need to reconsider the role civil organisations play in society, calling attention to organisational processes that allow these actors agency in brokering flows of information and shaping formation of networks. By viewing civil organisations as intermediaries, new directions can be identified for development policy and practice.

Orientador: Maria Teresa Miceli Kerbauy / Banca: Evelina Dagnino / Banca: Carla Gandini Giani Martelli / Banca: Vera Alves Cepeda / Banca: Márcia Teixeira de Souza / Resumo: O presente trabalho trata do processo de democratização no Brasil a partir das novas formas de participação que se desenvolveram, principalmente, na década de 90, verificando em que medida os conselhos de políticas públicas ampliam a arena decisória e favorecem um maior protagonismo popular na gestão das políticas sociais. A análise volta-se para a política socioassistencial, discutindo suas características, mudanças e articulação em relação participação. Desta forma, o estudo envolve dois eixos: o primeiro, busca articular os elementos conceituais, políticos e sociais que teriam dado sustentação e materialidade aos conselhos; e o segundo, concentra-se na relação Estado/sociedade e em que medida os conselhos interferem nessa relação alterando os resultados das deliberações, ou seja, alterando o conteúdo das políticas sociais. A pesquisa é composta por estudo teórico sobre o processo de democratização e reforma do Estado no Brasil, discutindo as noções de participação, cidadania, sociedade civil e descentralização, e análise empírica, onde analisamos essas questões no contexto do município de Araraquara e o conselho municipal de assistência social. A análise busca entender em que medida a inserção dos novos mecanismos participativos altera a gestão das políticas públicas e influencia a arena decisória local. Ao estudar o conselho municipal de assistência social, buscamos verificar como esse espaço é ocupado pela sociedade civil e qual a influência do conselho sobre a gestão da política municipal. O período estudado foi de 2001-2008, compreendendo três gestões do conselho e duas gestões do PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores) no Poder Executivo / Abstract: The present research broaches the Brazil's democratization process, building itself on new participation forms that were developed, fundamentally, in 90's, and verifying how well the councils of public politics amplify the decision arena and favor the enhancement of popular protagonism in the social politics management. The analysis heads toward the social assistance politics, discussing its characteristics, changes and articulations related to participation. Thereby, the research involves two principal points: the first tries to articulate the conceptual, social and political elements that should have given sustentation and materiality to the councils; and the second focuses on the relation between state and society, and on how well the councils interfere in this relation and modify the results of deliberations, that is, how well they modify the social politics content. The research comprise theoretical study about the democratization process and the Brazil State's reform (which involves discussion about the notions of participation, citizenship, civil society and decentralization), and empirical analysis, wherein those questions are examined in the context of Araraquara city and its social assistance municipal council. The analysis intends to understand how well the insert of new participative mechanisms modifies the management of public politics and influences the local decision arena. By studying the social assistance municipal council, we purport to verify how this space is occupied by the civil society and how is configured the influence of this council upon the municipal politics management. The period from 2001 to 2008 was studied, which comprehends three different boards of the council and two administrations of the Workers Party in the Executive Power / Mestre

1. BACKGROUND 1.1 The key aspects on which the Committee was charged to advise the Deputy President on were: • the appropriate and functional relationships that could be evolved between government and organs of civil society with respect to the provision of capacity for the implementation of the RDP; • the feasibility of an appropriate funding mechanism that would enable a co-ordinated approach to the funding of civil society organisations, the relationships of such a mechanism with current development funding players and other transitional mechanisms; • a mechanism to promote a sustainable partnership between these organisations with government. KEY FINDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE After careful consideration of all pertinent factors, the Committee established that: 2. 1 In spite of broad support for the RDP, there is no coordinated approach to tackling poverty. Government has been able to attract aid and has not found it easy to use such large funding owing to processes of change management and the processes of setting up local government infrastructures. Concomitant with these issues is the lack of management skills at the Government levels. 2. 2 Organs of civil society involved in development work in South Africa remain a rich inheritance for the Government of National Unity. These institutions, generally referred to as Community Based Organisations (CBOs) or Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) span a wide variety of the development landscape. These organs of Civil Society seek to fuel the development agenda of South Africa through participation in the RDP, but have often found themselves frustrated by the lack of clear policy and connecting points with Government in general. 2. 3 Experience from other countries show that the role of CSOs in development and the sustenance of democracy is a key feature of advanced democracies. Foreign research proved that cooperation between CSOs and various tiers government has often produced positive results. Owing to their affinity, empathy and proximity to the broader populace CSOs have always proved to be effective in meeting the basic needs of the population they serve. 2. 4 The initial energizing force for development which broadly funded the CSO sector has transformed. Local development funding institutions have developed a new focus and business approach. The Kagiso Trust and the IDT are gearing themselves to operate as development implementation institutions as against solely the funding of development and the facilitation of funding for development initiatives. 2. 5 Foreign aid funding, money which was historically marked for CSOs, is largely being directly channeled to Government. This source of funding has progressively declined since the 1994 elections. Indications are that this pattern is likely to continue as erstwhile traditional International Aid donors prefer bilateral funding arrangements with government. Corporate grant funding which in any case has always been limited to the CSO sector will continue to flow to corporate programmes and will remain a significant factor to this sector. 2. 6 Development CSOs operate within a restrictive environment in respect of taxation and registration. 2.7 There is broad and significant support for a positive structural relationship and a coordinated funding mechanism between CSOs and Government to promote the objectives and principles of the RDP. 2.8 The need to establish a channel of communication between CSOs and government. Through this mechanism, government and CSOs would be able to agree on RDP and development. / Prepared for the Deputy President the Honorable Mr Thabo Mbeki