No description available.

Environmental degradation and climate change are complex cross-cutting issues. They both call for a high level of policy coordination by all actors. This thesis examines the experienceof two Swedish popular movements integrating sustainable development as a cross cutting theme in their development cooperation: an approach known as mainstreaming. I seek to show how sustainability is understood and further how it is realized in the application of the work plans. The two case studies are the International Department of the Church of Sweden and Olof Palme International Centre. I have accounted for practical experiences via using informants as the main data source. Mainstreaming theory has been applied as tools foranalysation. Sustainability has been used in relation to sustainability of results andenvironmental aspects of the work plan. There is an increased demand to report on results and the longevity of the results in addition to address environment in all works undertaken in development cooperation organisations. The significance in studying the current interpretations and above all the challenges in application is to enable consideration in futur eamendments to strategies, policies and efforts made to mainstream sustainability. The findings conclude that there are similarities between the two cases in the identification of sustainability as pertaining to results and in the need for sustainability to focus on relationships to partners. Mainstreaming of environmental concerns is stated as a good and wanted aim. However, the actual negative environmental impact caused by the work plan is seen as low and sometimesenvironmental mainstreaming is even understood as a risk to partnerships. Environmental impact is only identified and addressed when seen as relevant and not as a concept to mainstream, this based on the relative low impact. This is in accordance with Sida guidelines but not with the stated policy wants.

Demokratijos konsolidacija yra sudėtinė demokratizacijos proceso dalis, apibūdinanti naujai susikūrusios valstybės demokratijos būseną, išreiškiant ją per kokybės kriterijus, tokius kaip pilietinės visuomenės ar partinės sistemos būsena. Tuomet yra užduodamas klausimas - ar naujai susikūrusi demokratinė santvarka išsilaikys, ar neatlaikiusi įvairiausių spaudimų, grįš į autoritarinį režimą. Taip pat yra svarbus susikūrusios demokratijos kokybės klausimas. Aprašomuoju, lyginamuoju bei mokslinės analizės metodais buvo aprašytas demokratijos konsolidacijos teorinis aspektas bei susisteminti kriterijai, kuriais remiantis tolimesniuose skyriuose buvo atliekama kiekybinė bei kokybinė šių kriterijų analizė, paminint ir veiksnius bei prielaidas, kodėl būtent šie kriterijai buvo taikomi Lietuvos atvejui. Darbo objektas yra demokratijos konsolidacija Lietuvoje - jos istorija bei kokybės analizė. Darbo tikslui pasiekti buvo naudojami pripažintų autorių demokratizacijos kriterijai, pagal kuriuos buvo atlikta Lietuvos atvejo analizė. Darbo tikslas buvo išsiaiškinti, kokiame demokratijos konsolidacijos etape yra Lietuva ir ar šį procesą galima vadinti užbaigtu. Demokratizacijos procesas yra glaudžiai susijęs su daugeliu ekonominių, politinių bei visuomeninių sferų, tokių kai pilietinė visuomenė, ekonominė bei politinė kultūra bei domėjimasis politika apskritai. Todėl neabejotina, kad demokratijos konsolidacijos klausimas Lietuvoje yra labai svarbus. Sėkmingas demokratijos veikimas yra... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The consolidation of democracy is a term that describes the status of newly created democracies, when the mode of transition is the issue of whether the newly created democracy will sustain his democratic order or collapse after won’t sustaining it’ s challenges In this study will also been emphasized the quality of democracy. This study will describe the consolidation of democracy in new democracies, history of these countries, with emphasis on the case of Lithuania. The work will be written with all the descriptive-exploratory research work required for the criteria, using empirical studies and theoretical research. Work item is the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania and it‘s history, which is defined as the transition from authoritarian to democratic regimes. Another important element of the study is the quality of democracy in Lithuania and their parameters which is far from the level of a stable Western democracies. Democratization process is related to many social, economic and political public spheres, such as the status of civil society, economic and political culture, and interest in politics in general. Therefore, there is no doubt that the consolidation of democracy in question is relevant. The smooth functioning of the democratic values of democracy and the desire to match the quality criteria of the old countries of the European Union compels us to review the existing problems and find solutions to the challenge. Work will begin with the theoretical... [to full text]

La prolifération des acteurs non étatiques, favorisée par la mondialisation, est un phénomène marquant de notre histoire contemporaine. Rassemblés sous le vocable de «société civile», ils ont contribué à créer un foisonnement de normes sur le plan international allant, pour certains commentateurs, jusqu'à concurrencer l'État sur sa capacité de dire le droit. Parmi ces acteurs privés, les organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) et les entreprises multinationales jouent un rôle prépondérant. Notre imaginaire collectif oppose cependant trop souvent l'ONG, symbole du désintéressement, à la multinationale assoiffée de profit. Le présent mémoire vise à relativiser ce constat manichéen et simplificateur. En analysant, dans une perspective de droit international, les moyens d'action des ONG et des multinationales, on se rend compte que les passerelles entre les deux «mondes» sont en réalité nombreuses. ONG et multinationales se retrouvent d'ailleurs dans leur aspiration commune à être reconnues formellement sur la scène internationale. L'opportunité d'une reconnaissance juridique de la société civile sera discutée. / The multiplication of non state actors that emerged as a consequence of globalization is a striking phenomenon of contemporaneous history. These actors otherwise referred to under the concept of «civil society», have contributed to a proliferation of norms in the international arena. Some commentators even convey the idea that the State is being overtly rivalled in this respect. Among these private actors, non governmental organizations (NGOs) and multinational firms play a significant role. In this regard, a common assumption is that NGOs are the symbol of selflessness, while multinationals would be profit-thirsty monsters. This master's thesis aims at relativizing this over-simplification. Under an international law perspective, the analysis of NGOs and multinationals' means of action, leads to the realization that many links do exist, between these two supposedly closed «worlds». Moreover, NGOs and multinationals share a common quest for formaI recognition on an international scale. The potential for legal recognition will be discussed.

This thesis explores the process of identity renegotiation and the role social capital plays in civil society participation by the former refugee communities of Eritrean and Bhutanese living in Christchurch, New Zealand. This is undertaken through examination of three hypotheses pertaining to ethnic identity maintenance and national identity creation, community mobilisation and social capital, and the motivations behind such mobilisation. In comparing the processes of identity negotiation and social capital between the members of the Eritrean and Bhutanese communities, this study of 27 participants illustrates the importance of members’ ethnic community connection in the development of a national identity, and the dissimilar levels of social capital and subsequent participation in civil society by the two communities. This work analyses the role social capital within such migrant communities plays in members participation in their settlement society as well as in group’s ethnic identity maintenance. The theoretical framework of this work is influenced by the research of Berry (1997), Lucken (2010), Ager and Strang (2008) and Valtonen (1998; 2004). This study found there are much higher levels of social capital in the Bhutanese community compared to the Eritrean community. These disparate levels can be attributed to the differing demographics of the communities; the high levels of stress suffered by Eritrean members involved in the family reunification process; and the differences between the communities refugee experience prior to arrival in New Zealand. My findings also suggest that the process of national identification by migrants relies on strong connections between members’ and their ethnic community, not, as commonly assumed, participation in wider society. Importantly this work illustrates that social capital is necessary in the mobilisation of migrant communities. Grievances associated with settlement are not attended to on a community level unless there is a high degree of social capital within the community. This enables participation in civil society through the establishment of a representative community organisation, and members to cooperate with other sectors of wider society.

What explains the variation of child labor rates across Indian states? This dissertation explores why certain states in India, which are not necessarily the wealthiest, have been able to reduce child labor significantly in the past few decades, while child labor continues to increase at alarming rates in other states. Previous economic and cultural explanations, which focus on household-level poverty or the hierarchical social stratification of Indian society fail to adequately explain variation in child labor rates across Indian states. This research project explores how systematic regional differences in bureaucratic performance and patterns of civic engagement have influenced child labor rates in Indian states. The dissertation articulates and tests several hypotheses about the efficacy of bureaucracy and civil society activity in implementing child labor and elementary education laws. This study employs a multi-level research design including a range of statistical and qualitative techniques of analysis to get at the social and institutional variables that influence parents’ decision to send a child to work. It utilizes cross-state survey dataset for 28 Indian states for the year 2005 to run statistical analyses which confirm the theoretical hypotheses. Further, two case studies based on six months of fieldwork in the two Indian states of Andhra Pradesh and Rajasthan provide further understanding of the theoretical mechanisms. This study finds that educational deprivation plays a key role in determining levels of child labor- even controlling for income, states that have focused on universal elementary education have been more successful at reducing child labor than states that have not prioritized elementary education.

This study looks at political culture and socialisation responses to Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). It identifies political culture and socialisation as part of a process, the development of a political culture with specific attitudes, cognitions, and feelings towards the political system. Political culture and socialisation impart the knowledge of how to act politically, i.e. how to apply values in formulating demands and making claims on the political system. They form a connecting link between micro- and macro-politics. The study maintains that political orientations are handed down from one generation to another, through the process of political socialisation. Top-down and bottom-up influences come into play to augment a discourse on the global nature of political socialisation and the political culture of international societies with regard to IWRM and governance ideologies. It is argued that these international ideas become relevant in the national political agenda, civil society organisations and trans-national networks. The IWRM aspects of water as an economic good and a basic human right have become a two-edged sword in the South African context. The study reveals that politics stand at the epicentre of water problems, and that IWRM is a political-ethical issue which challenges power bases in many communities. The IWRM global norms of equitable, efficient and sustainable use of water resources have become a major problem in a water-scarce country burdened with economic inequalities and abject poverty. This is a pressing issue because there is an increasing demand for water to sustain the development necessary to redress the draconian ills of the apartheid past. This becomes evident in the fundamental legislative overhaul that has taken place since 1994, embracing a transformation culture that glorifies the norm of water not only as a fundamental human right, but also as a commodity that is necessary to sustain human dignity. It is here that water is politicised. Violent protests have erupted in reaction to perceived neo-liberal attempts to deny the poor their access to this resource. The political culture and socialisation responses as far as IWRM is concerned appear within fragmented lines, i.e. mainly black and poor communities embrace a culture of non-payment for services and resort to violent protests as a viable method to raise their concerns. In contrast, the white and middle-class communities manifest a tendency to form parallel local government structures; they then withhold rate payments and provide services for themselves through ratepayer associations. Finally, the study considers the South African context with regard to the manifestations of political culture, and how this influences water resources. It is evident that there is too much emphasis on politics at the expense of discussions on IWRM. Civil society organisations make very little attempt to encourage public participation in water management structures. It also appears that political elites who are disillusioned with civil society organisations tend to derail their efforts to educate the public on water management structures. / MA, Political Studies, North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011

This study examines the advocacy role of Civil Society specifically Faith based organisations, using the Pietermaritzburg Agency for Community Social Action (PACSA) as a case study. A focus on religion and advocacy is beneficial because Faith based organisations generally deliver services for the public good. The study was conducted in the city of Pietermaritzburg situated in the Province of KwaZulu Natal in South Africa using a faith based non- profit organisation. The specific objectives of the study identified the advocacy strategies and techniques employed by PACSA and the challenges as well as the successes encountered by PACSA in its advocacy work. The study employed the issue of democracy and policy advocacy and the correlation of policy advocacy and effective governance. The study analysed its findings by using a theoretical framework for policy advocacy by Sheldon Gen and Amy Conley Wright. The combined logic model has three major categories of elements: inputs, activities, and outcomes and it was used because it is commensurate to analysis of the research questions that is; 1) What do policy advocates do to try to affect public policy, 2) what are their requisite inputs to perform these activities, and 3) what are the expected outcomes for their efforts. A qualitative methodology shaped the research design; data were analysed using thematic analysis. The findings are presented under the main themes identified within data collected through face-to-face interviews and PACSA’s documents. PACSA’s advocacy work is based on needs of the people, not only should Civil Society Organisations ensure that their initiatives meet crucial social demands, but they also need to strengthen their presence at the grassroots level, to influence policy making. This research revealed that Faith based organisations can be involved in policy advocacy work and at the same time act in faith in the process of advocating for people within the society. The research has shown that Faith based organisations can be involved in several projects as long as their main concern being ‘human dignity’. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

This paper is a law thesis that is based on a combined theoretical framework of Green Legal Theory (GLT) and Theories of International Regimes (TIR). GLT has a broad conception of ‘law’. It is based on the argument that ‘laws’ exist at different levels and in different forms, and that ‘legal laws’ are themselves manifestations of regulatory dynamics that are embedded in institutions and processes; and cultural logics that generate and support those laws. TIR examines the negotiation, development, formation, and sustenance of international regimes. The paper is a critical analysis of, especially, the combined effects of capitalist laws and the liberal democratic system of state-based governance. This allows me to highlight the underlying factors/dynamics that are responsible for the continuing inability to address climate change because of the mandated pursuit of energy security (i.e. the regulatory imperative). The analysis revolves around four key global actors, which are the multinational corporations (MNCs), the state, civil society (Non-governmental Organizations), and global institutions. First, I discuss the growing economic and political powers of MNCs in a liberalized and deregulated system, and establish the need for a better regulatory system. Second, I criticize the territorial sovereignty principle and deconstruct the contemporary system of national governance, while highlighting the need to relax the Westphalian system for global constitutionalism. Third, I analyze two approaches to globalization, and make a case against ‘globalization from above’ while arguing for ‘globalization from below’. I also highlighted the crucial role non-governmental organizations have begun to play in global governance. Fourth, I make a critical analysis of inter-state relations in global institutions to show the underlying factors that have compromised the level of cooperation needed to address the conundrum. Finally, based on all of the issues that I analyze in the paper, I propose some foundational principles, and a specific strategy, that would help to propel the needed re-form in global governance, to help to restore its ability to address global problems / Graduate / 0398 / 0616 / ikulasi@yahoo.com

A common theme of discussion raised by contemporary scholars is the making of cities competitive internationally to become a city of world class, which is argued to be the main priority facing urban planning and policy makers in the twenty-first century. These redevelopment projects are justified through various ways, however, mainly that they will spearhead economic development and increase national income. This study explores the Kigamboni redevelopment project in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. It uncovers the vision and justification performed by the Government and it explores the tensions that emerged as a result of the lack of participation and transparency. When envisioning the future, the actors of the government pictures Kigamboni as very different from what it is today. It is argued that the urban visions of becoming modern are shaped without taking the different memories, stories and desires of the local residents of Kigamboni into consideration. In addition, the study illuminates the contestations by the residents, arisen in the context of the redevelopment project, with a main focus on a local organisation - the Kigamboni Committee. The community formed the Committee in order to reach an understanding of the project affecting them. The local association argues to represent the people of Kigamboni and aims to follow up on the project and undertake initiatives to highlight rights. However, the empirical findings reveals that it is questionable whether the Committee is actually representing the people of Kigamboni as they claim. The thesis further sheds lights on the importance to discuss the politics of social mobilisation.