This dissertation is a historical-cultural analysis of the popular enthusiasm for an artifact known as the Kensington Rune Stone (KRS). The verifiable history of the KRS begins in 1898, when a Swedish American immigrant unearthed a large stone from a western Minnesota farm field. On the stone was an inscription written in a runic alphabet telling the story of a party of Scandinavian explorers that had traversed the area in the fourteenth century. Most scholars have declared the stone to be a hoax, yet this has not deterred its ardent defenders from using it to generate cultural capital for several social groups in western Minnesota. Over time, the KRS has emerged as a sacred civic totem representing the region and proclaiming it as founded by Christian Norsemen. KRS enthusiasm developed as a sect of American civil religion that both affirms and challenges the central orthodoxies underlying the myths about the origin of the United States. The mythic narrative constructed around the KRS has been embraced by many Minnesotans for its legitimating power to justify the white settlement of the state. The theoretical orientation of this dissertation relies on several scholars of religion, including Emile Durkheim, Danièle Hervieu-Léger, Pierre Bourdieu, and Thomas A. Tweed. / Religion

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La purification est une métaphore désignant le moteur de la philosophie de la religion de Hegel. Elle est d’abord à l’œuvre dans la création de la Nature qui se consume pour produire la conscience de soi divine à travers l'esprit humain. En second lieu, elle s’opère dans l’objectivation des productions spirituelles de l’homme qui sont purifiées jusqu'à ce que l’Esprit soit auprès de soi dans le christianisme. La troisième purification est morale et trouve son fondement dans la Genèse, le judaïsme étant le premier à avoir identifié l'unité des natures humaine et divine. Le mythe témoignera également de la culpabilité en tant que l'homme n'exprime pas immédiatement sa divinité, mais sa finitude. La réalisation du divin impliquera donc la purification de la naturalité au profit de la substantialité. Le christianisme explicitera cette tâche par l’héroïsme de Jésus et cet héroïsme se perpétuera jusqu’à ce qu’émergent un individualisme moderne et une religion assurant la cohésion sociale : le protestantisme luthérien. Cet individualisme sera toutefois défectueux puisqu’il produira éventuellement davantage d’égoïsme que de réconciliation, ce qui donnera lieu à certaines critiques de l’analyse hégélienne du christianisme. En effet, Hegel croit toujours que la vitalité religieuse est nécessaire au fonctionnement de l’État, bien qu’elle soit dorénavant incapable de diffuser les sentiments de culpabilité et de responsabilité dans le corps social. Néanmoins, comme les valeurs du christianisme ont été épurées de leur contingence en passant dans les mœurs et dans l’État, il s’avérera que le corps social peut se passer d’une tradition religieuse vivante / Purification is what moves the content of Hegel’s philosophy of religion. It is first active in the creation of Nature, which consumes itself in order to liberate the divine self-consciousness through human spirit. Secondly, it is active in the process of the objectivation of human spiritual productions, which are purified until Spirit comes to know itself in the world. The third form of purification is moral and gets its theoretical foundation in the Genesis. According to Hegel, Judaism was the first belief system to identify the unity between divine and human natures; however, the myth is also about the birth of guilt as man does not immediately express his divinity, but his finiteness. As such, the divine process implies purification from naturality in favour of substantiality. Christianity will explicit this task through Jesus’s heroism and heroism in general will maintain itself until the rise of modern individualism and the rise of a religion capable of producing social cohesion—Lutheran Protestantism. However, individualism will eventually show its defectiveness since it will create more egoism than reconciliation. This problem will be the opportunity to criticize Hegel’s analysis of Christianity. Indeed, it seems that Hegel came to believe that religious vitality was necessary to the State's proper functioning, even though Christianity is no longer capable of creating guilt and responsibility by itself. Nevertheless, as Christian values are now purified forms their contingencies and are now recuperated by customs and the State, it appears that society can now function without such a tradition.

La présente étude tend à replacer le contexte de la construction fédérale américaine à la lumière d'un théisme politique émergent. L'exceptionnalisme procède à ce titre d'un paradoxe originel qui vient directement nourrir nos interrogations : la reconnaissance par la lettre constitutionnelle puis par les juges de la Cour Suprême d'un véritable « mur de séparation » entre le spirituel et le temporel, parfois exacerbé par les instruments du droit, mais qui doit être associé à la mise en place d'une «religion de la République» élaborée et fortement institutionnalisée. De là, l'auteur voit dans la notion d'exceptionnalisme religieux la mise en œuvre d'une rhétorique nouvelle qui entend offrir les instruments conceptuels permettant de revisiter la subtile immixtion de l' « esprit de religion » et de l' « esprit de liberté » chers à Alexis de Tocqueville. Cette perspective a dès lors pour dessein d'entrevoir une résolution de l'impossible oxymore que forme la république théocratico-laïque. Cette apparente dichotomie ne peut être entrevue à travers une lecture exclusivement doctrinale, elle emporte au contraire nombre d'incertitudes sur le plan jurisprudentiel. L'étude démontre à ce titre que les juges, en éludant la notion d'exceptionnalisme américain, ne peuvent construire un paradigme juridique apte à apprécier de manière satisfaisante les dispositions de droit positif en matière religieuse. Aussi, le constitutionnaliste œuvre à étudier les mécanismes juridiques traduisant un phénomène sociologique exceptionnaliste. Cette approche éclaire de telle manière la notion sans cesse revisitée de « laïcité américaine ». / This study tends to put the federal construction in context of an emerging political theism. Exceptionalism reveals an original paradox that directly feeds our questions: the recognition by the Constitution then by the judges of the Supreme Court of a “wall of separation” between spiritual and temporal powers, sometimes exacerbated by the instruments of the law, but which must be associated with the establishment of a “religion of the Republic” highly developed and institutionalized. From there, the author sees the notion of religious exceptionalism as the implementation of a new rhetoric that aims to provide the conceptual tools to revisit the subtle interference of the “spirit of religion” and the “spirit of liberty”, quoted from Alexis de Tocqueville. This perspective has therefore the ambition of establishing a possible resolution of the oxymoron that forms the theocratic-secular republic. This apparent dichotomy cannot be seen through a purely doctrinal reading, it brings on the contrary many uncertainties on the jurisprudential work. The study shows that the judges, eluding the notion of American exceptionalism, cannot build a legal paradigm able to appreciate adequately the provisions of substantive law in religious matters. To this end, the constitutionalist studies the legal mechanisms resulting from an exceptionalist sociological phenomenon. This approach sheds light on the concept so constantly revisited of “American secularism”.

Une nation est toujours fondée sur des mythes. Aux États-Unis, le président est le « conteur-en-chef » de ces récits sacrés qui ont pour fonction de donner du sens à l’existence de la communauté nationale. Cette thèse propose d’examiner dans quelle mesure la rupture dans l’imaginaire collectif que représente la fin de la guerre froide a engendré une nouvelle rhétorique de la mythologie nationale dans les discours présidentiels. Pour cela, nous nous appuierons sur l’étude de métaphores qui, comme l’ont démontré l’analyse critique du discours et la linguistique cognitive, nous informe sur les croyances collectives d’une société. Dans une première partie, nous nous focaliserons sur les mythes de la vertu et du bien, plus particulièrement sur le langage religieux qui s’est développé dans la période post-guerre froide, et sur la valeur de liberté qui demeure fondatrice de l’identité américaine, mais dont la définition évolue et souligne davantage le libre arbitre de l’individu par opposition au destin manifeste collectif fondé sur la prédestination calviniste. Ces mythes de vertu servent de justification morale à une rhétorique de la puissance et de la force qui fera l’objet de notre analyse dans notre seconde partie. Nous montrerons combien la permanence du récit de guerre et les nombreuses métaphores guerrières rendent compte d’un système de représentation du monde qui donne une signification mythique à la violence. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous verrons que seul le récit héroïque illustre l’alliance de la puissance et de la vertu et constitue finalement la trame narrative essentielle du mythe national de l’ère post-guerre froide. Nous conclurons sur la proposition que, si la fin de la guerre froide a favorisé le développement du mythe héroïque dans les discours présidentiels, celui-ci est enraciné dans la rhétorique de Ronald Reagan qui représente le point de rupture le plus significatif dans la production de la mythologie nationale récente ainsi que le point de départ de tout un cycle idéologique et politique. / Nations are based on myths, and in the United States, it is the president who is the “storyteller-in-chief” of those sacred stories whose function is to give sense to the existence of the national community. This dissertation offers to examine to what extent the end of the Cold War, which represents a breaking point in the mental representation of the nation, has produced a new discourse in national mythology in presidential speeches. Our research will focus more specifically on the notion that metaphors inform us on the shared beliefs of a given society as cognitive linguistics and critical discourse analysis have largely demonstrated. In our first part, we will concentrate on the myths of virtue and good, and more particularly on the use of religious language which has greatly increased over the period, and on the value of “freedom” that has remained the founding value of the American identity but whose definition has evolved to underline the notion of free will of individuals as opposed to the collective Manifest Destiny rooted in Calvinistic predestination. These myths serve as moral justifications to the rhetoric of power and strength that will be the object of our second part. We will show how the steady presence of war narratives and war metaphors ascribe mythical meaning to violence. Finally, in our third part, we will see how only the heroic narrative illustrates the fusion of the myths of power and virtue and actually constitutes the essential narrative framework in post-Cold War presidential speeches. We will then conclude on the proposition that while the heroic myth may have been fostered by the end of the Cold War, it originated in the rhetoric of Ronald Reagan that might be the most significant breaking point and the beginning of an entire new ideological and political cycle.

<p>Uppsatsen behandlar hur USA: s president George W Bush använder civilreligiösa inslag i sin retorik under sitt första år som president. Han startade ämbetsperioden med att använda religiösa anspelningar i sitt installationstal., för att sedan fortsätta i samma anda hela året. </p><p>Bush är inte den första presidenten att använda sådana retoriska knep. Ända sedan USA: s grundande har presidenterna förstärkt sin talarkonst genom att hänvisa till Gud och att landet är utvalt av Gud - ett nytt Israel. Landets presidenter har alltid varit mer eller mindre övertygade om att Gud står på USA: s sida. Detta trots att det första tillägget i USA: s konstitution föreskriver en separation mellan religion ochstat. </p><p>Uppsatsen analyseras utifrån en innehållsanalys, som är en vanlig metod för att analysera politiska tal. Vår innehållsanalys består av åtta olika kategorier som speglar Bushs civilreligiösa retorik väl. Resultatet visar att Bush som president anser att det är självklart att en amerikansk president har en gudstro. Han använder ett religiöst språkbruk genom att citera ur Bibeln och Koranen i sina offentliga framträdanden. Han säger sig vara övertygad om att USA är utvalt av Gud att styra över världen. En stor del av Bushs civilreligiösa retorik går att hitta i att han försöker ena nationen genom att hänvisa till landets historia. Han visar ofta hur krigshjältar och presidenter har offrat sina liv för USA. </p><p>Vi anser att Bush använder civilreligiös retorik för att ena nationen vid svåra tillfällen. Efter terrorattacken den 11: e september 2001 ökar frekvensen av civilreligion hos Bush. Det är tydligt att den amerikanske presidenten vill ena en nation i chock. Vi menar också att det av tradition förväntas att USA:s president har ett civilreligiöst språkbruk. Vi menar att Bush använder civilreligionen som en ursäkt för att inte genomföra reella politiska förändringar i samhället.</p>

Uppsatsen behandlar hur USA: s president George W Bush använder civilreligiösa inslag i sin retorik under sitt första år som president. Han startade ämbetsperioden med att använda religiösa anspelningar i sitt installationstal., för att sedan fortsätta i samma anda hela året. Bush är inte den första presidenten att använda sådana retoriska knep. Ända sedan USA: s grundande har presidenterna förstärkt sin talarkonst genom att hänvisa till Gud och att landet är utvalt av Gud - ett nytt Israel. Landets presidenter har alltid varit mer eller mindre övertygade om att Gud står på USA: s sida. Detta trots att det första tillägget i USA: s konstitution föreskriver en separation mellan religion ochstat. Uppsatsen analyseras utifrån en innehållsanalys, som är en vanlig metod för att analysera politiska tal. Vår innehållsanalys består av åtta olika kategorier som speglar Bushs civilreligiösa retorik väl. Resultatet visar att Bush som president anser att det är självklart att en amerikansk president har en gudstro. Han använder ett religiöst språkbruk genom att citera ur Bibeln och Koranen i sina offentliga framträdanden. Han säger sig vara övertygad om att USA är utvalt av Gud att styra över världen. En stor del av Bushs civilreligiösa retorik går att hitta i att han försöker ena nationen genom att hänvisa till landets historia. Han visar ofta hur krigshjältar och presidenter har offrat sina liv för USA. Vi anser att Bush använder civilreligiös retorik för att ena nationen vid svåra tillfällen. Efter terrorattacken den 11: e september 2001 ökar frekvensen av civilreligion hos Bush. Det är tydligt att den amerikanske presidenten vill ena en nation i chock. Vi menar också att det av tradition förväntas att USA:s president har ett civilreligiöst språkbruk. Vi menar att Bush använder civilreligionen som en ursäkt för att inte genomföra reella politiska förändringar i samhället.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

In this study, I address the relationship between religion and politics in the Nordic countries, 1988–2012, against a background of increasing religious diversity alongside more or less continuous relationships between church and state. My aim is to analyse possible changes in the way religion is referred to by Nordic parliamentary parties, and in the way these parties use religion as a means to societal cohesion. I use theories on religious change and on the motives for using religion in politics to discuss a possible re-emergence of religion in politics, with the help of concepts such as functional differentiation, glocalisation and politicisation. I apply different forms of content analysis in a mixed-methods approach, using both substantial and functional definitions of religion. The thesis is based on four articles published or accepted for publication in peer-reviewed international journals: First, a study on religion in Nordic party platforms from around 1988, 1998 and 2008. Second, a study on religion in Danish, Norwegian and Swedish parliamentary debates, 1988/89, 1998/99 and 2008/09. Third, a study on the role of the majority churches in the final Nordic parliamentary debates on same-sex unions 1989–2012. Fourth, a study on Danish and Norwegian parliamentary debates on the wearing of veils among judges and policewomen in 2009. The major findings are that the references to religious diversity in party platforms and parliamentary debates have increased, which leads to a more complex understanding of the religious cleavage in politics, and that right-wing populist parties in particular politicise religion to achieve political influence. Furthermore, human rights have been increasingly used to address religious diversity as a political issue. I interpret these findings as continuous use of religion for societal cohesion in Nordic politics, through a model of different forms of politicisation using the concepts civil religion, human rights and nationalism. The thesis contributes to a better understanding of the religious cleavage, politicisation of religion, the impact of globalisation on the political debate about religion and changes as well as continuity regarding the use of religion in Nordic politics. / <p>Cover photography: Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt (chairman of The Moderate Party) debates with Member of Parliament Jimmie Åkesson (chairman of The Sweden Democrats) in the Swedish parliament Riksdagen on 19 January 2011. Photographer: Melker Dahlstrand/Riksdagsförvaltningen.</p> / NOREL / Impact of Religion

The aim of this thesis is to analyse and discuss the argumentation for theplace of History in the Swedish school system from the perspective ofeducation philosophy. The material that has been investigated is theYearbook of the Association of History Teachers (HLFÅ). In connectionto this, two questions have been asked: (1) What sort of argumentationhas there been in HLFÅ on the place of History in the Swedish schoolsystem from the time the Yearbook started to be published in 1942 until2004 when the Swedish parliament decided that the subject should beobligatory for all pupils in gymnasiet (senior high school)? (2) In whatway has education philosophy been taken into consideration in the argumentationon the place of History in HLFÅ between 1942 and 2004? Thebackground to these questions is partly that during the whole of the1900s it has been far from obvious what place History should have in theupper levels of the Swedish school system. Also, I have partly found itfruitful to study HLFÅ from the perspective of education philosophy.In chapter 1, we give a deeper presentation of HLFÅ. After that followsan overview of research into the teaching and learning of History (Historydidactics). The chapter ends with the three leitmotifs based on this research.I identify as leitmotifs areas that are identified clearly and repeatedlyin History didactics and that are seen as relevant to structure myanalysis of HLFÅ. The three leitmotifs are: (1) the relation between Historyand academia, (2) the social potential of History, (3) the use of Historyin the service of peace. These have structured the presentation in thetwo analysis chapters of the thesis (chapters 4 and 5).Chapter 2 discusses the thesis methodology, theoretical perspective andquestions. The methodology is an analysis of argumentation based onhermeneutics. The theoretical perspectives used in the study are educationphilosophies. My use of the theory builds on my reading of TheodorBrameld and Tomas Englund. The four education philosophies used toanalyse the argumentation are: (1) progressivism, (2) essentialism, (3)perennialism, (4) reconstructivism. In chapter 3, the background to thestudy is presented. The areas that are focused on are the changes in theSwedish school system during the 1900s, the subject of History in figures,and glimpses from the public debate on history in general and thesubject of History in Sweden. In chapter 4, we cover the period from1942-1970, and in chapter 5 we cover in a similar way the period from1971-2004. Both chapters begin with a chronological overview of theargumentation in the articles. After that, the material is analysed wherethe presentation is structured based on the three leitmotifs which arediscussed from an education philosophy perspective.Chapter 6 is a summarizing discussion. There we make it clear that progressivismis almost completely absent from the argumentation aroundthe place of History in Swedish schools in HLFÅ. Instead, the studyshows that it is a combination of essentialism and perennialism that dominatesthe way of maintaining the merits of History. Regarding reconstructivism,it is stated that it is subordinate to essentialism and perennialism.The study ends with suggestions for further research. Since theargumentation has consistently made the claim that History can givepeople a feeling of safety in their surroundings, understand their place inlife and create peace in the world, it is suggested that further analysisshould be made of similar material from the perspective of civil religion.A point of departure in this research is that secular societies partly takeover, and partly re-work, the rites and cosmologies of religious institutions,in order to create solidarity in modern societies. My hypothesis isthat this perspective would strengthen the thought that there are civilreligious practices on Swedish soil in connection with the educationworld.