This thesis assesses whether the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) could evolve as an effective foreign policy tool of the EU. It aims to analyze the ENP&rsquo / s impact on the EU foreign policy in general and the Union&rsquo / s transformative capacity over its neighbours in particular. To this purpose, the thesis initially explores the underlying motives behind the origins and emergence of the ENP and further elaborates its policy framework and its phase of implementation so far. The thesis then identifies the limits of the ENP, namely the internal and external constraints of the policy and on the basis of these shortcomings, discusses the overall impact of the ENP on the EU foreign policy. More specifically, the thesis focuses on the ENP&rsquo / s impact analysis for the EU&rsquo / s transformative capacity in its direct neighbourhood. Finally, the thesis assesses the main reasons of why it seems unlikely that the ENP could not evolve as a fully-fledged foreign policy tool for the Union and highlights the need for a major reform or re-adjustment of the policy.

The &ldquo / German Question&rdquo / was on the agenda of the international community from the last quarter of the nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century. Following the end of the World War II, due to the existence of a Soviet threat, the incorporation of West Germany into the liberal-democratic institutions of the western world was the principal issue to be dealt with. Following the reunification of Germany and the end of the bipolar international structure, the &ldquo / German Question&rdquo / was revisited. The German insistence on the early recognition of Croatia and Slovenia and German participation in the Kosovo War brought questions whether Germany has become more assertive and on the way to return to the power politics. This dissertation will analyze German foreign and security policy in the post-Cold War era in order to understand whether Germany has shifted from its civilian and multilateral orientation or has made small adjustments in its policies to adapt to the new international structure. In approaching the issue, the study attempts to link the theoretical and practical aspects under the guidance of a conceptual framework provided by realist, neorealist and constructivist approaches. Through contextualizing the coexistence of realist, neorealist and constructivist factors in German foreign and security policy, the dissertation argues that although Germany has made some small policy adjustments to adapt to the new international structure, German foreign and security policy has not shifted from its civilian and multilateral orientation.

This thesis aims to examine the European Union (EU) as a normative power in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) through case studies of Morocco and Egypt. The uniqueness of the EU as a distinct actor in international politics has led many observers to claim that the EU is a normative power. The ENP, which emerged in 2004, has been one of the main instruments of the EU within this framework. This thesis studies the claim as to whether the EU is, in fact, a normative power in the context of the ENP with two cases studies. The selection of Morocco and Egypt originates from the existing similarities which render an opportunity to have a comparative study. The thesis will analyze this puzzle through an analysis of both primary documents published by the EU and the secondary literature. Through a close scrutiny of Morocco and Egypt, the normative power of the EU in its near abroad will be explored through the analysis of democratization process in these countries in terms of democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Based on theoretical analysis and two case studies, this thesis argues that the EU faces several challenges in its claim to be a normative power within the context of the ENP.

Between 1915 and 1940, millions of African Americans migrated from the South to cities in the North. “Recovering Green in Bronzeville” examines the ways in which these migrants experienced, perceived, talked about, valued, and shaped these natural and landscaped environments in the interwar years. Taking Chicago as its focal point, this dissertation argues that not only should African Americans be central to narratives of environment and place in the early twentieth century, but also that natural and landscaped environments are central to African American culture. The dissertation’s first part compares and contrasts the environmental resonance of lives left behind in the South with those established in Chicago, particularly with regards to foodways and labor. It asserts that while many African Americans had already become integrated into national industrial networks prior to migration, residence in even the most urban southern city could not have prepared them for Chicago’s densely populated South Side. The dissertation’s second part explores the significance of African American experiences with both urban and rural natural and landscaped environments from roughly 1915 to 1929. It shows how African Americans joined a chorus of late Progressive Era Americans who saw these environments as an antidote to modern city life that produced ill health and delinquency, as well as how race – through the discourses of respectability, uplift, and primitivism – uniquely inflected their approaches to those places. Primarily grounding its analysis in a few specific sites – Chicago’s Washington Park; Idlewild, an African American resort in rural Michigan; and Camp Wabash, a YMCA youth camp in rural Michigan – it also reveals black Chicagoans as a mobile population that regularly accessed the rural North. The dissertation’s third part considers how African Americans’ connections to these same environments evolved during the Depression, adding an analysis of segregated African American Civilian Conservation Corps companies which, with the labor of black Chicagoans, radically altered the landscapes of rural Illinois and Michigan. On the whole, African Americans focused on building communities in natural and landscaped environments separate from whites in a cultural context defined by widespread poverty, New Deal-era politics and agencies, increasing segregation, and diminished migration.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Texas, Dec., 2008. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

<p>What determines variation in military behavior toward civilians? In this dissertation, I examine the determinants of military behavior toward civilians, exploring the factors that lead armed groups to brutalize—or respect—civilian populations. I argue that military cultures embodying norms of civilian immunity can shape combatant preferences and, ultimately, military conduct, leading to battlefield restraint toward civilians. Focusing on case studies of the U.S. Army in Vietnam and Iraq and the Ugandan military, I examine the effect of military culture on conflict behavior utilizing detailed qualitative and quantitative data at macro- and micro-levels of analysis, including historical case studies, combatant survey data, field interviews, and a quantitative analysis of U.S. Army war crimes prosecution data. I find that military culture can fundamentally transform the preferences of combatants at all levels of the military organization, increasing combatants’ preferences for respect for civilians and producing restraint toward civilians in conflict. The findings of this research thus show that military cultures based in norms of civilian immunity can lead to the protection of civilians in war, even in the face of significant countervailing pressures that would otherwise produce mass civilian victimization.</p> / Dissertation

This study examines the interaction of the Second World War with the selfhood of Kenneth Preston, a Keighley schoolmaster, using primarily the exceptionally rich content of Preston’s Diary, maintained 1941-1945. In tracing Preston’s home front experience, attention is given to the ways in which the war interacted with the individual’s own self and social conceptions, as well as ways in which subjective experiences and perceptions translated into objective realities, such as in Preston’s participation in the war effort. Illuminating the personal dimensions of the war experience enabled a broad range of meanings and “webs of significance” to emerge, allowing for examination of the interplay between the conflict and understandings of class, community, gender, citizenship, social mores, and aspects of social change during the conflict. Preston’s understandings of himself and of society are intriguing contributions to the discussion surrounding active wartime citizenship, and further historical awareness of the meanings and understandings held within the British population during the era of the Second World War. In particular, the prestige the war offered to modernistic notions of science and technical intelligence is shown to have held a central place in the war experience of this particular individual and in his perception of the rise of the welfare state. With its focus on selfhood, the study is distinguished from arguments grounded in analysis of cultural products from the era; it also contributes to understandings of the causes and implications of social change, as well as the war’s personal impact on the male civilian.

The aim of this work was to analyze the political and social actions that the Catholic Church developed as a form of political expression, facing the military civilian rule, installed in Brazil during the period from 1964 to 1985. This formed as social movements, who won Featured our analysis through movement promoted by the Ministry of Fisheries in Alagoas and specific in the city of Pilar, during the period from 1979 to 1988. the study of this training consisted initially in understanding the role of CEBs (Base Ecclesial Communities) as organizer of political communities and political subjects. By means of the analysis of these organizations sought - to understand how they were formed socially, what role played by workers and engineers and what social impact these organizations generated in historical subjects were included in them. To understand these activities highlight the analysis of PPC, 1966 - 1970, (Set of Pastoral Plan) organized by the Catholic Church in Brazil as a way to direct the actions that the CEBs and pastoral should play in the regions that were installed. The development Pastoral Plan study arrived in research on the activities carried out by the pastoral, which also were reflected in the activities generated by the CEBs. Moreover enabled us to observe the duality of political lines that formed the Catholic Church in Brazil. So we understand how the Catholic Church in Alagoas developed liturgical strategies and inserted CEBs cores in Alagoas indoor and how these structures helped form ideologically political subjects. They were subsequently engaged in the formation of social pastoral as analyzed here the fisheries ministry. This line on the formation of fisheries ministry confirmed the hypothesis that the Catholic Church in Alagoas through the 1978 Fraternity Campaign organized the working class fishery as a political movement, which sought to forward claims to military civilian government against the constant aggression social practiced by the industrial bourgeoisie in the state. Relationship approach behind the economic and social context which the fisheries ministry was inserted in Alagoas in the midst of industrialization that was run by the government Divaldo Suruagy. Another time research consisted in actions practices for fisheries ministry in the city of Pilar - AL, being exposed the inertia period of the policy proposed by the ministry as ideological activities for the years 1979 to 1986. But we also analyzed the recovery period of these activities policies in the city, this, with the study of the actions taken by fishermen literacy school. / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas / O objetivo desta dissertação foi analisar as ações políticas e sociais que a Igreja Católica desenvolveu como forma de manifestação política frente à ditadura civil-militar instalada no Brasil durante o período de 1964 a 1985. O movimento social que ganhou destaque na análise foi aquele promovido pela Pastoral da Pesca em Alagoas e em específico na cidade de Pilar, durante o período de 1975 a 1988. O estudo desta formação consistiu, inicialmente, em compreender o papel desempenhado pelas CEBs (Comunidades Eclesiais de Bases) como organizadoras de comunidades e sujeitos políticos. Por meio da análise destas organizações buscou-se entender como eram formadas socialmente, qual papel desempenhado pelos animadores e coordenadores e qual o impacto social que estas organizações geravam nos sujeitos históricos participantes delas. Para a compreensão destas atividades destacou-se a análise do Plano Pastoral de Conjunto, 1966-1970, organizado pela Igreja Católica no Brasil como forma de direcionar as ações que as CEBs e pastorais deveriam desempenhar nas regiões em que fossem instaladas. O desenvolvimento do estudo do Plano Pastoral desembocou na pesquisa sobre as atividades exercidas pelas pastorais, que também eram reflexo das atividades geradas pelas CEBs. Mais ainda, possibilitou observar a dualidade de linhas políticas que formavam a Igreja Católica no Brasil. Assim sendo, compreende-se como a Igreja Católica em Alagoas desenvolveu estratégias litúrgicas e inseriu núcleos de CEBs nos interiores de Alagoas e como estas estruturas ajudaram a formar ideologicamente sujeitos políticos. Eles, posteriormente, foram engajados na formação de pastorais sociais como a Pastoral da Pesca. Sobre a formação da Pastoral da Pesca comprovou-se a hipótese de que a Igreja Católica em Alagoas por meio da Campanha da Fraternidade de 1978 organizou a classe trabalhadora da pesca como movimento político, que buscava reivindicações frente à ditadura civil-militar, contra as constantes agressões sociais praticadas pela burguesia industrial no Estado. Tal relação foi abordada a partir do contexto econômico e social no qual a Pastoral da Pesca foi inserida em Alagoas, em meio ao processo de industrialização executado pelo governo Divaldo Suruagy. Outro momento da pesquisa consistiu em verificar as ações praticadas pela Pastoral da Pesca na cidade de Pilar-AL. Identificou-se ali um período de inércia das políticas propostas pela pastoral como atividades ideológicas para os anos de 1979 a 1988. Após deu-se a retomada destas atividades políticas na cidade, com as ações praticadas pela escola de alfabetização de pescadores. Por fim, buscou-se contribuir para o fortalecimento da história dos movimentos sociais em Alagoas, trazendo à tona a experiência dos trabalhadores da pesca de Pilar e uma interpretação da memória de suas lutas.

No Brasil, o gradualismo presente no processo de transição democrática implicou em um legado autoritário nas instituições políticas, explícito atualmente na insuficiente delimitação entre segurança interna e externa, além do baixo controle sobre as atividades de segurança de modo geral. Mais especificamente, a tardia criação do Ministério da Defesa demonstra a dificuldade de exercer o controle civil sobre os militares no país. Entretanto, a administração de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) representa um avanço em relação aos ministros anteriores ao exercer uma direção política civil com autoridade, que efetivamente contribuiu para melhorar o controle civil democrático. A Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008), a Lei Complementar nº 136 (2010) e o Livro Branco (2012) são documentos que sinalizam profundas alterações institucionais no Ministério. O objetivo do artigo é compreender o impacto dessas mudanças sobre as relações entre civis e militares, a partir do conceito de controle civil democrático, bem como contextualizar politicamente as razões para que tenham acontecido. No rastro da crise da aviação civil, constata-se que houve uma mudança na balança de poder interna ao Estado, que permitiu consolidar a autoridade civil no Ministério da Defesa, a partir da nomeação do Ministro Jobim, em 2007. A partir de um estudo de caso, conclui-se que uma combinação de fatores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional e apoio do Executivo) contribuiu para que essas alterações estruturais fossem levadas a cabo no órgão, as quais efetivamente criaram uma estrutura civil no Ministério. / In Brazil, the gradual democratic transition process has generated political institutions with authoritarian characteristics, such as a blurred distinction between internal and external security, as well as a low control under security activities in general. More specifically, the late creation of a Ministry of Defence shows how difficult is to control the military in this country. However, Nelson Jobim’s administration (2007-2011) is an advance comparing to the previous ones, having exerted an effective political authority that has improved democratic civilian control. The National Strategic Defence (2008), the Complimentary Law nº 136 (2010) and the White Book (2012) have contributed for important changes in the Ministry. The objective is to understand the impact of these changes on civil-military relations, based on the concept of democratic civilian control, as well as to identify the reasons behind them. After the civilian aviation crisis, there was a change in the internal State’s balance of power, which helped to consolidated the civilian authority in the Ministry of Defence after Nelson Jobim’s nomination in 2007. In conclusion, a number of factors (personal characteristics, national and international conjunctures and the Executive support) made possible these strucutural changes to happen, which effectivelly created a civilian strucuture in the Ministry. / En Brasil, el gradualismo del proceso de transición democrática generó características autoritárias en las instituciones políticas, las cuales están presentes hoy en día en la insuficiente diferenciación entre la seguridad interna y la seguridad exterior, así como en el bajo control de las actividades de seguridad en general. Es decir, la tardía creación del Ministerio de la Defensa demuenstra las dificultades de ejercer el control civil de los militares en el país. Sin embargo, la administración de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) es um avanzo en comparación con los ministerios anteriores, pues él ejerció una dirección política civil con autoridad que contribuyó de manera efectiva para mejorar el control civil democrático. La Estratégia Nacional de Defensa (2008), la Ley Complementar nº 136 (2010) y el Libro Blanco (2012) son documentos que contribuyeron para las alteraciones institucionales en el Ministerio. El objetivo del artículo es entender el impacto de esos cambios en las relaciones civiles militares, basado en el concepto de control civil democrático, así como contextualizar sus razones políticas. Después de la crisis de la aviación civil, un cambio se pasó en la balanza de poder interna del Estado, que permitió la consolidación de la autoridad civil en el Ministerio con la nominación de Nelson Jobim en 2007. A través de un estudo de caso, la conclusión es que una combinación de factores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional y apoyo del Ejecutivo) contribuyeron para que essas alteraciones estructurales ocurriera, las cuales efectivamente crearon una estrutura civil en el Ministério.

No Brasil, o gradualismo presente no processo de transição democrática implicou em um legado autoritário nas instituições políticas, explícito atualmente na insuficiente delimitação entre segurança interna e externa, além do baixo controle sobre as atividades de segurança de modo geral. Mais especificamente, a tardia criação do Ministério da Defesa demonstra a dificuldade de exercer o controle civil sobre os militares no país. Entretanto, a administração de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) representa um avanço em relação aos ministros anteriores ao exercer uma direção política civil com autoridade, que efetivamente contribuiu para melhorar o controle civil democrático. A Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008), a Lei Complementar nº 136 (2010) e o Livro Branco (2012) são documentos que sinalizam profundas alterações institucionais no Ministério. O objetivo do artigo é compreender o impacto dessas mudanças sobre as relações entre civis e militares, a partir do conceito de controle civil democrático, bem como contextualizar politicamente as razões para que tenham acontecido. No rastro da crise da aviação civil, constata-se que houve uma mudança na balança de poder interna ao Estado, que permitiu consolidar a autoridade civil no Ministério da Defesa, a partir da nomeação do Ministro Jobim, em 2007. A partir de um estudo de caso, conclui-se que uma combinação de fatores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional e apoio do Executivo) contribuiu para que essas alterações estruturais fossem levadas a cabo no órgão, as quais efetivamente criaram uma estrutura civil no Ministério. / In Brazil, the gradual democratic transition process has generated political institutions with authoritarian characteristics, such as a blurred distinction between internal and external security, as well as a low control under security activities in general. More specifically, the late creation of a Ministry of Defence shows how difficult is to control the military in this country. However, Nelson Jobim’s administration (2007-2011) is an advance comparing to the previous ones, having exerted an effective political authority that has improved democratic civilian control. The National Strategic Defence (2008), the Complimentary Law nº 136 (2010) and the White Book (2012) have contributed for important changes in the Ministry. The objective is to understand the impact of these changes on civil-military relations, based on the concept of democratic civilian control, as well as to identify the reasons behind them. After the civilian aviation crisis, there was a change in the internal State’s balance of power, which helped to consolidated the civilian authority in the Ministry of Defence after Nelson Jobim’s nomination in 2007. In conclusion, a number of factors (personal characteristics, national and international conjunctures and the Executive support) made possible these strucutural changes to happen, which effectivelly created a civilian strucuture in the Ministry. / En Brasil, el gradualismo del proceso de transición democrática generó características autoritárias en las instituciones políticas, las cuales están presentes hoy en día en la insuficiente diferenciación entre la seguridad interna y la seguridad exterior, así como en el bajo control de las actividades de seguridad en general. Es decir, la tardía creación del Ministerio de la Defensa demuenstra las dificultades de ejercer el control civil de los militares en el país. Sin embargo, la administración de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) es um avanzo en comparación con los ministerios anteriores, pues él ejerció una dirección política civil con autoridad que contribuyó de manera efectiva para mejorar el control civil democrático. La Estratégia Nacional de Defensa (2008), la Ley Complementar nº 136 (2010) y el Libro Blanco (2012) son documentos que contribuyeron para las alteraciones institucionales en el Ministerio. El objetivo del artículo es entender el impacto de esos cambios en las relaciones civiles militares, basado en el concepto de control civil democrático, así como contextualizar sus razones políticas. Después de la crisis de la aviación civil, un cambio se pasó en la balanza de poder interna del Estado, que permitió la consolidación de la autoridad civil en el Ministerio con la nominación de Nelson Jobim en 2007. A través de un estudo de caso, la conclusión es que una combinación de factores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional y apoyo del Ejecutivo) contribuyeron para que essas alteraciones estructurales ocurriera, las cuales efectivamente crearon una estrutura civil en el Ministério.