This thesis examines the approaches taken by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to the protection of civilians during internal armed conflict, both at the level of global policy and at the level of implementation in the Colombian context. The thesis explains how the ICRC and UNHCR approach protection, why each has adopted its particular approach, and how and why the effectiveness of each approach is limited. In doing so, it offers a theoretical framework for explaining the approaches taken by international organizations (IOs) to new tasks within their mandates as well as policy implications for the ICRC, UNHCR and other humanitarian agencies. From a theoretical perspective, this research shows that factors internal to the IO carry greater explanatory power than external factors. Most significantly, when an IO expands into a new issue-area, it frames the new task in terms of the existing tasks within its mandate, replicating the specific goals and the means of pursuing those goals. The extent to which the approach is then adapted to the specificities of the new issue-area depends on the ‘bureaucratic personality’ of the IO, and specifically the extent to which decisions are informed by field-level experience. Internal conflicts by definition include armed non-state actors, and the analysis in this thesis emphasises both their significance in determining civilian security and their neglect in existing approaches to protection. While the ICRC seeks to reduce the threat posed by all armed actors (state and non-state) in its work at the field level, it relies heavily on an international legal framework which prioritises states and this partially undermines its attention to non-state actors at the field level. UNHCR retains a state-centric focus at both the field level and the level of global policy. From a policy perspective, therefore, the thesis advocates greater attention to armed non-state actors both at the level of practice and in the development of protection norms.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Civil Military Operations (CMO) has often been blamed for the politicization of the armed forces and a loss of civilian control. This thesis confronts this traditional approach and argues that CMO need not lead to these outcomes. It introduces democratic civilian control of the armed forces, a well-established military mission, and civilian and military expertise as the basic requirements for the application of CMO. If the requirements are fulfilled, a multiplier effects starts giving legitimacy to the government, consolidating the democratic process and increasing civilian control over the armed forces. This thesis examines Ecuador as a case study. Ecuador fulfills partially the requirements for the application of CMO. The State's structure allows democratic civilian control. There is a well-established mission: the north frontier of Ecuador has become a "gap" in the national security system that demands the assistance of the armed forces. But there is lack of civilian and military expertise in the application of CMO. The demand of CMO in the north frontier can be the perfect scenario for training and education in Civil Military Affairs, fulfilling the requirement of expertise and thus allowing the application of CMO in Ecuador without risking the democratic regime. / Civilian, National Congress, Ecuador

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The Navy has several tools at its disposal to shape the force, including early separation incentives. This analysis looks at the issues surrounding the separation incentives including the discount rate for government use, the discount rate used by individuals to make a decision (personal discount rate), comparable civilian sector wages for separating personnel, promotion probabilities, and the costs to the government of maintaining personnel until retirement. Using the information provided from researching these topics, a model was created to identify the present value of retirement payments for officers given their current rank, age, and years of service. The model provided a maximum amount the government should be willing to offer to separate an officer early. This model was compared to a second model which determined the minimum amount an officer would be willing to accept to separate before retirement. Recommendations for future methods of shaping the force were provided to maximize savings to the Navy based on data generated from the model. / Captain, United States Marine Corps

While research increasingly recognizes the importance of civilian agency and strategies in influencing conflict dynamics and reducing civilian victimization in the context of armed conflict, research has until now not investigated whether civilians also have the capacity to limit organized criminal violence. This study thus aims to answer under which conditions civilians can protect themselves from and influence levels of organized criminal violence and draws on the literatures on civilian self-protection and autonomy strategies in the context of armed conflict, as well as on organized criminal governance and violence. I argue that civilian communities with high levels of social organization will experience lower levels of violence, as they are more likely to mount successful collective strategies that influence costs and benefits for organized crime groups to use violence. Using the method of structured focused comparison, this hypothesis is tested on the Colombian municipalities San Juan de Arama, Vistahermosa and Granada. The results show some support for the theorized relationship. In general, municipalities with higher levels of social organization experienced lower levels of organized criminal violence, but this relationship appears to be moderated by levels of civil war violence. Due to the explorative character of this study, more research is warranted.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:28:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Wendell Lopes Barbosa de Souza.pdf: 1580663 bytes, checksum: b2979f0e3b24a8fa6d03c4d329579321 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-14 / Where the fee is there should be the load. Who gains the bonus should support the load. Finding the deficiency in the theory subjected to verification that the necessity from the demonstration of guilt affected by the harmful agent of the law would leave the victim with no reimbursement in most cases. The appearance of the objective theory resulted from applying the risk doctrine. Emergence of various legal norms have input the duty of indemnification for determine concrete situations, dealing with the foreseen or closed objective civil responsibility. Opening of this reimbursement system, expecting that the precarious activity for the right of others; triggers for the criminal an obligation to repair the damage without the questioning of his culpability, dealing with the generic objective civilian responsibility second part of the only paragraph in article 927 of the Brazilian Civil Code, Typical hypothesis of the generic objective responsibility theory through risk activity, such as the manufacturing, the stocking, the handling, and the transportation of flammable and explosive substances. Hypothesis for the questioning, such as driving, bank activities, the credit card, the electronic commerce, the protection and transport of valuables, the security and escort services, the civil construction, the entries of credit protection, the capital market, the loan of vehicles to third parties, the cigarette fabrication and distribution, the employer s responsibility with employee s accidents, the communication businesses, the nuclear and radioactive installations, sports practices and other activities that could give opportunity to the generic objective responsibility based on the risk activity. Situations that may or may not distance indemnification duty in this type of civil responsibility, such as the necessity state, the self-defense, the daily practice of a right, sudden cases or unpredictable events, a third person involvement, the exclusive guilt of the victim, the precautions taken to avoid the accident and the legal activity of the harmful agent / Onde está o emolumento deve estar o ônus. Quem aufere o bônus deve suportar o ônus. Constatação da deficiência da teoria subjetiva com a verificação de que a necessidade da demonstração da culpa efetiva do agente danoso em juízo deixava a vítima irressarcida na maioria dos infortúnios. Surgimento da teoria objetiva, resultado da aplicação da doutrina do risco. Eclosão de vários dispositivos legais impondo o dever indenizatório para determinadas situações concretas, tratando-se da responsabilidade civil objetiva típica ou fechada. Abertura do sistema objetivo de ressarcimento, prevendo-se que a atividade arriscada para os direitos alheios desencadeia para o autor do dano o dever de reparar o prejuízo sem que se indague de sua culpa, tratando-se da responsabilidade civil objetiva genérica - segunda parte do parágrafo único do artigo 927 do Código Civil brasileiro. Hipóteses típicas de responsabilização objetiva genérica pela atividade de risco, como a fabricação, a guarda, o manuseio e o transporte de substâncias inflamáveis e explosivas. Hipóteses para a constatação, como as práticas automobilísticas, a atividade bancária, o cartão de crédito, o comércio eletrônico, a guarda e o transporte de valores, o serviço de segurança e escolta, a construção civil, os cadastros de proteção ao crédito, o mercado de capitais, o empréstimo de veículos a terceiros, a fabricação e o fornecimento de cigarros, a responsabilidade do empregador por acidente com o empregado, as empresas de comunicação, as instalações nucleares e radioativas, as práticas desportivas e outras atividades que podem dar ensejo à responsabilização civil objetiva genérica fundada na atividade de risco. Situações que podem ou não afastar o dever indenizatório nesta modalidade de responsabilidade civil, como o estado de necessidade, a legítima defesa, o exercício regular de um direito, o caso fortuito ou de força maior, o fato de terceiro, a culpa exclusiva da vítima, a tomada de precauções para evitar o acidente e a prática de conduta lícita por parte do agente causador do dano

Submitted by Adriana Alves Rodrigues (aalves@espm.br) on 2017-11-28T11:26:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FELIPE CARVALHO CORREA DE MELLO.pdf: 2532645 bytes, checksum: 4d1338352270b0f628784192b2132fa7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Alves Rodrigues (aalves@espm.br) on 2017-11-28T11:27:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 FELIPE CARVALHO CORREA DE MELLO.pdf: 2532645 bytes, checksum: 4d1338352270b0f628784192b2132fa7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Alves Rodrigues (aalves@espm.br) on 2017-11-28T12:55:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 FELIPE CARVALHO CORREA DE MELLO.pdf: 2532645 bytes, checksum: 4d1338352270b0f628784192b2132fa7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-01T11:20:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FELIPE CARVALHO CORREA DE MELLO.pdf: 2532645 bytes, checksum: 4d1338352270b0f628784192b2132fa7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / The "Memorial da Resistência de São Paulo" preserves and comunicate the memories e narratives about the resistance, the control and repression along the History of republican Brazil, privileging the narratives anda memories of Vargas Era (1930-1945) e and the civilian-military ditatorship (1964-1985). In our research, in a first step, we seek to delineate the communicative dimensions of the "Memorial da Resistência de São Paulo". This process involves the theoretical argument that this museological institution is constituted as a means of communication / media, being part of the field of Communication. In a second step, considering that the formal school is still the privileged space for reflection on social reality, we conducted a research to understand the process of reception of the speech of the "Memorial da Resistência de São Paulo" by teachers and students of the Elementary School and High School. In this context, we seek to illuminate the process of (re) production of hegemonic and / or counter-hegemonic meanings about the civilian-military dictatorship. Based on the reflections presented by the fields of Communication, History and Education, we conceive, on the one hand, that the discourse of the "Memorial da Resistência de São Paulo" is constituted as a discourse predisposed to operate as a clash with the hegemonic conception about the dictatorship movement in the media and the school field. On the other, we understand as hegemonic meanings the set of discourses that relativize and / or silence about violence; torture; the corruption; violations of human rights; censorship; the genocide of indigenous peoples; the struggles of resistance, etc. occurred during the civilian-military dictatorship, to the point of justifying and legitimizing it and, in some everyday contexts, to claim for its return. This research is situated at the confluence of four theoretical fields: (1) Latin American Reception Studies; (2) British Cultural Studies; (3) Mediation Theory and (4) French Line Discourse Analysis. These four fields are tied by the reflections of the field of Communication / Education. / O Memorial da Resistência de São Paulo está voltado para a pesquisa, salvaguarda e comunicação das memórias e narrativas históricas da resistência, do controle e da repressão durante o Brasil Republicano, privilegiando as narrativas e memórias sobre a Era Vargas (1930-1945) e a ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985). Em nossa pesquisa, em primeiro lugar, buscamos delinear as dimensões comunicativas do Memorial da Resistência de São Paulo. Esse processo envolve a argumentação teórica de que essa instituição museológica é constituída como um meio de comunicação/mídia, fazendo parte do campo da Comunicação. Em segundo lugar, tendo em vista que a escola formal ainda é o espaço privilegiado de reflexão sobre a realidade social, realizamos uma pesquisa buscando compreender o processo de recepção do discurso do Memorial da Resistência de São Paulo por parte de professores (as) e alunos (as) do nono ano do Ensino Fundamental II e do terceiro ano do Ensino Médio. Nesse âmbito, buscamos iluminar o processo de (re) produção de sentidos hegemônicos e/ou contra hegemônicos sobre a ditadura civil-militar. Fundado nas reflexões apresentadas pelos campos da Comunicação, da História e da Educação, concebemos, por um lado, que o discurso expositivo do Memorial da Resistência de São Paulo é constituído como um discurso contra hegemônico predisposto a operar como embate à concepção hegemônica acerca da ditadura civil-militar em circulação nos meios de comunicação e no campo escolar Por outro, compreendemos como sentidos hegemônicos o conjunto de discursos que relativizam e/ou silenciam sobre a violência; a tortura; a corrupção; as diversas violações aos direitos humanos; a censura; o genocídio dos povos indígenas; as lutas de resistências etc. ocorridas durante a ditadura civil-militar, chegando ao ponto de justificá-la e legitimá-la e, em alguns contextos cotidianos, clamar por sua volta. Esta pesquisa está situada na confluência de quatro campos teóricos: (1) Estudos de Recepção Latino-Americanos; (2) Estudos Culturais Britânicos; (3) Teoria das Mediações e (4) Análise de Discurso de Linha Francesa (ADF). Esses quatro campos são amarrados pelas reflexões do campo da Comunicação/Educação.

L’apaisement de l’antagonisme Est-Ouest suite à la chute du Mur de Berlin, modifie l’équilibre stratégique mondial et suscite le réveil de conflits dits « gelés ». Dans ce contexte, les Etats européens saisissent la nécessité de se doter d’un cadre politico-stratégique commun (PESC) afin de contribuer au maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Avec la mise en place de la PESC, puis d’une dimension opérationnelle à son action extérieure (PSDC), l’UE ambitionne à devenir un acteur stratégique majeur pour la gestion des crises. Le développement de capacités « non-militaires » – civiles – de la PSDC, dédiées à la conduite d’activités de reconstruction post-conflit, constitue une véritable valeur ajoutée. Malgré la jeunesse de sa PSDC, l’UE représente indéniablement une force positive pour la sécurité coopérative aux côtés des autres acteurs de la sécurité. Les défis actuels appellent néanmoins à une réactualisation de la stratégie sécuritaire européenne. / The end of the Cold War modified the fragile security equilibrium established for over fifty years, bringing frozen conflicts to the forefront of the international security environment. Confronted with this new reality, EU member states seized the necessity of developing a common political and strategic framework (CFSP), in order to help maintain peace and international security. The establishment of the CFSP and of an operational dimension to its external action (CSDP), illustrate the EU’s ambition to becoming a key strategic player in crisis management. By developing civilian capabilities within its CSDP, destined for post-conflict reconstruction activities, the EU aims at providing a real added value to modern crisis management. Despite the insufficiencies of its newly created CSDP, the EU positively contributes to cooperative security alongside other security actors. Current security challenges nevertheless require an updating of its strategy.

La ville de Metz détient une collection exceptionnelle de plafonds peints médiévaux réalisés entre le XIIIe siècle et le XVe siècle. Malgré les ensembles détruits, lacunaires, disparus ou encore méconnus, vingt-sept plafonds ont fait l’objet de cette recherche. Leur étude a permis de suivre l’évolution artistique et d’appréhender les styles de décors intérieurs civils messins, sans interruption pendant deux siècles. Ces plafonds, méconnus, sont une source d’informations inestimable pour la connaissance du patrimoine historique et artistique de la ville à la fin du Moyen Âge. En effet, ils témoignent d’un savoir-faire de la part des charpentiers, des peintres et des ateliers actifs à Metz, mais aussi de la richesse des demeures patriciennes et de l’art de vivre des membres de l’élite urbaine. La recherche autour de ces décors permet de s’immerger au cœur d’une production artistique européenne des derniers siècles du Moyen Âge avec l’usage de thèmes iconographiques d’une grande diversité (ornementation végétale, bestiaires, figures saintes, tournois de joute, armoiries). Cette étude suit une démarche pluridisciplinaire destinée à s’approcher des réalités scientifiques, matérielles, historiques, héraldiques, iconographiques et stylistiques des plafonds peints, afin de déceler, entre autres, quels pouvaient être la fonction de ces décors et les messages que les commanditaires, d’un statut social élevé, souhaitaient transmettre à leurs convives. Ces décors luxueux sont indéniablement en lien avec leur aisance financière, leur connaissance de la littérature médiévale, du milieu artistique local et des événements diplomatiques majeurs auxquels ils ont été confrontés. / The city of Metz in France holds an exceptional collection of medieval painted ceilings made between the 13th and 15th centuries. Despite being destroyed, incomplete, missing or still unknown, twenty-seven ceilings were the subject of this research. Their study allowed to follow the artistic evolution and to apprehend the styles of Messinian civil interior decorations, without interruption during two centuries. These unknown ceilings are a priceless source of information for the knowledge of the historical and artistic heritage of the city at the end of the Middle Ages. Indeed, they are the testimony of a know-how of the carpenters, the painters and the active workshops in Metz, but also of the wealth of the patrician houses and the art of living of the members of the urban elite. Research around these decorations allows us to immerse in the heart of a European artistic production of the last centuries of the Middle Ages with the use of iconographic themes of great diversity (plant ornamentation, bestiaries, holy figures, tournaments of jousting, Arms). This study follows a multidisciplinary approach intended to display the scientific, material, historical, heraldic, iconographic and stylistic realities of the painted ceilings, in order to detect, among others, what could be the purpose of these sets and the messages that the landlords, of a high social status, wished to convey to their guests. These luxurious ornamentations are undeniably linked to their financial ease, their knowledge of medieval literature, the local artistic environment and the major diplomatic events they were faced with

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2015-09-15T00:26:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??oFlaviaAmorim.pdf: 3062148 bytes, checksum: ad70eb92444f286ab2d535c13f9c4541 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-15T00:26:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??oFlaviaAmorim.pdf: 3062148 bytes, checksum: ad70eb92444f286ab2d535c13f9c4541 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-20 / Funda??o de Amparo ? Pesquisa do Estado da Bahia - FAPEB / This work has as its goal the study of Francisco Pinto's political journey as a member of the so-called group Aut?nticos do Movimento Democr?tico Brasileiro (MDB) in Brazilian National Congress, in his taking of a contrary posture to the civilian/military dictatorship, in his actuation in Brazilian political field in the period between 1971 and 1982. This time corresponds to the period in which Francisco Pinto was a federal congressist: his first term in 1971-74, impeachet in 1974, and second, 1979-82. We investigated how the congressman and his Aut?nticos group built an opposite force to the dictatorship. For that, we used sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's method, of political camp, so we can understand the strategies and possibilities of making institutional politics. The sources consulted were: congressman Francisco Pinto speeches in Brazilian National Congress and Movimento newspaper. / Este trabalho tem por objetivo o estudo da trajet?ria pol?tica de Francisco Pinto enquanto membro do chamado grupo Aut?ntico do Movimento Democr?tico Brasileiro (MDB) no Congresso Nacional, na tomada de posi??o contr?ria ? ditadura civil/militar, na atua??o no campo pol?tico brasileiro no per?odo entre 1971 e 1982. Essa temporalidade corresponde ao per?odo em que Francisco Pinto foi deputado federal: o primeiro mandato em 1971-74, cassado em 1974, e o segundo, 1979-82. Investigamos como o deputado e o grupo dos Aut?nticos constru?ram e aplicaram sua estrat?gia de oposi??o ao regime ditatorial. Para tanto, trabalhamos com a metodologia do soci?logo Pierre Bourdieu, especialmente com o conceito de campo pol?tico, com o qual problematizamos as estrat?gias e possibilidades de se fazer pol?tica institucional. As fontes consultadas foram: os discursos pronunciados pelo deputado Francisco Pinto no Congresso Nacional e o jornal Movimento.

In March 1933, the administration of United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt initiated a national relief program aimed at alleviating the disastrous effects ofthe Great Depression. The Civilian Conservation Corp (CCC) began as one of these programs designed to employ young men from all over the country and put them "back to work". The CCC provided these young men with training, a monthly stipend, and basic supplies such as food, clothing, and accommodations. After 1942, CCC camps were closed and many of these sites were abandoned or destroyed, leaving little historical documentation as to the experiences ofthe people involved. This project revolves around the archaeological investigations and data recovery of a CCC camp that was in operation from 1933-1942 in Zigzag, Oregon. This research analyzes the remains of the camp in order to gain further knowledge about this important period in American history, and more specifically, Oregon history. In assessing the material culture left behind, combined with the historical documents and oral history interviews, the goal of this project was to expand the historical and archaeological narrative of the CCC experience. More specifically, the aim of this research was to reveal the unwritten record of CCC camp life in a pivotal period of American history. The results of the historical archaeological research indicates that Camp Zigzag represents a community that participated in resistance related activities, such as drinking alcohol on camp property, but one that also adhered to the regulations of camp policy. Military-style order and training permeated even the surrounding architectural environment. The rituals of daily life in the structured order of the camp appear to have developed and formulated a strong sense of cohesion among the men. However, resistance-related items, such as alcohol bottles, suggest that Camp Zigzag enrollees resisted the authoritarian dynamic of the camp. Social drinking would have provided the men with a sense of solidarity and commonality that would have been maintained beyond the ideals of camp uniformity. This communal familiarity may have influenced the men's behaviour in daily camp routines, rituals, and work. Overall, the archaeological evidence depicts the Camp Zigzag community as united through the bonds of formality and in its resistance to it. Camp Zigzag offered a unique and unusually expansive window into not only the history of Oregon State, but into the history of our nation as a whole. The camp's archaeological assemblage remains as an important learning tool and its value far exceeds the humble nature of its material contents. It is a collection of untold stories representing the lives of young men and their families at a tumultuous turning point in American history.