Выпускная квалификационная работа (магистерская диссертация) посвящена исследованию финансовых механизмов интегрирования ОПК в экономику Российской Федерации. Предметом исследования является стратегический приоритет развития ОПК России. Целью работы является разработка экономических методов стратегии диверсификации и интеграции для производства продукции гражданского и двойного назначения, которая будет конкурентоспособна на рынке. Заключение содержит основные выводы и рекомендации по увеличению эффективности процессов интеграции исходя из текущего состояния отрасли и с учетом международного опыта. / Final qualifying work (master's dissertation) is devoted to the study оf financial mechanism of integration of military-industrial complex into the econоmу of the Russiaп Federation. The subject of the research is strategic priority of development of Russian military-industrial complex. The aim of the work is development of economic methods of diversification and integration strategy to manufacture civilian and dual-use products, which will bе competitive. The conclusion contains the main conclusions and recommendations for increasing the efficiency of integration process based on current status of the whole industry and international experience.

Peace communities are an “organized and sustained civilian mobilization in the midst of civil war to declare neutrality and to purposely end or prevent violent conflict in their community” (Kaplan. 2017). Scholars have long believed peace community could scale up from local oriented peace to connect to national peace processes but have overlooked the relationship between peace communities and their government. This study asks Why do governments respect the rules and boundaries of some peace communities and not others? I hypothesize that governments are more likely to respect peace communities with higher levels of cohesion, and more likely to disrespect less cohesive peace communities. I conduct a structured focused comparison study to test three empirical cases from the Philippines, comparing three first generation peace zones. I found some support for my hypothesis and causal mechanism. I then tested another empirical case from Colombia and found additional support for my hypothesis but not for my causal mechanism. Overall, this study presents a new theoretical framework, introduces a new dependent variable for measuring peace communities, and provids insight into the often under-researched first generation Philippine peace zones.

La présente étude vise à étoffer la maigre littérature existante traitant du BEI et de l’intégration d’enquêteurs provenant de la sphère civile au sein d’organisations policières. Plus précisément, cette étude a été achevée avec l’intention de mettre en lumière les défis et enjeux que peuvent affronter les enquêteurs ex-civils dans leur collaboration avec les policiers retraités au Bureau des enquêtes indépendantes. Pour ce faire, nous avons procédé à l’entretien semi-dirigé de 22 enquêteurs du BEI, dont 14 ex-civils et 8 policiers retraités. L’analyse des données a révélé des enjeux et défis pouvant être répartis en deux catégories: l’expertise et les relations. En premier lieu, la carence d'expertise des ex-civils en matière d'enquête criminelle génère des défis relativement à leur formation (dispensée par l’ENPQ), leur avancement aux postes décisionnels au sien du BEI et à leur assignation aux dossiers et tâches d’importance. En second lieu, de cette collaboration ex-civils/policiers retraités émerge certains enjeux relationnels. Notamment, les ex-civils sont considérés comme « autres » par certains de leurs collègues policiers retraités, ce qui créé des tensions au sein de l’organisation et un sentiment d’exclusion chez les ex-civils. Semblablement, ces derniers font face à des défis supplémentaires en ce qui concerne l’établissement de leur légitimité auprès des policiers impliqués et témoins rencontrés lors de leurs enquêtes. De leur côté, les policiers retraités peuvent éprouver des difficultés à créer des liens avec les civils impliqués dans une enquête du BEI (ou leur famille endeuillée, advenant leur décès), particulièrement lorsque ces civils ont des expériences passées négatives avec la police. Considérant son impact sur la réalité policière, plus d’études devraient s’attarder aux instances de surveillance policières telles que le BEI, et à l’intégration d’ex-civils à titre d’enquêteur parmi l’appareil policier. / The present study aims to expand on the meagre existing literature on the Bureau des enquêtes indépendantes (BEI) and the integration of civilian investigators within police organizations. Specifically, this study was completed with the intention of highlighting the challenges and issues that ex-civilian investigators may face in their collaboration with retired police officers within the BEI. To achieve this, we conducted semi-structured interviews with 22 BEI investigators, including 14 former civilians and 8 retired police officers. The analysis of the data revealed challenges and issues that can be divided into two broad categories: expertise and relationships. Firstly, the ex-civilians lack of expertise in criminal investigations leads to challenges related to their training which is provided by the National Police Academy (ENPQ), their advancement to management positions, and the distribution of important cases and tasks. Secondly, several investigators highlight the presence of relational issues, with former civilians facing a prevailing police culture characterized by tendencies of exclusion, both within and outside the organization. In particular, ex-civilians are considered as “others” by some of their retired police colleagues, which creates tensions within the organization and a feeling of exclusion among ex civilians. Similarly, the latter face additional challenges in establishing their legitimacy with the police officers encoutered during their investigations. For their part, retired police officers may find it difficult to bond with civilians involved in an BEI investigation (or their bereaved families, in the event of their death), particularly when these civilians have had negative past experiences with the police. Considering its impact on the police reality, further studies should focus on police oversight bodies such as the BEI and the integration of former civilians as investigators within the police apparatus.

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Integrated Logistics Support (ILS) is a tool that ensures the operation and longevity of products and systems throughout their lifecycle. The method structures logistics support activities and yields results that simplify, prevent, or mitigate risk areas, ultimately aiming to minimize lifecycle costs. ILS was developed within the defense industry, but its use in the civilian sector is still limited, indicating untapped potential. The purpose of the research is to investigate the process of ILS implementation and the potential benefits it could bring to the civilian industry. The emphasis is on comprehending the process and methodically developing guidelines that organizations can adopt. This purpose is achieved through an initial literature review examining integrated logistics support. The ideas are then implemented in a case study to demonstrate the process and generate improvement strategies. Based on the case study, the conclusion is drawn that the method achieves the desired effects. A generalized methodology is presented, which can be utilized by civilian companies and organizations.

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La gestione civile delle crisi (GCC) si inserisce nel contesto della Politica Europea di Sicurezza e Difesa (PESD) che, a sua volta, è uno degli elementi della più ampia PESC (Politica Estera e di Sicurezza Comune). GCC, PESD e PESC sono componenti delle relazioni esterne dell'Unione europea (UE). La gestione civile delle crisi è una policy dell'UE la cui analisi richiede di rispondere a diversi quesiti teorico pratici: 1) cosa è esattamente la gestione civile delle crisi e a cosa essa corrisponde in ambito UE (Capitolo I); 2) quali sono le caratteristiche generali delle iniziative civili per il mantenimento della pace e della sicurezza internazionali realizzate dalle Nazioni Unite (NU), dall'Organizzazione per la Sicurezza e la Cooperazione in Europa (OSCE), dall'Unione dell'Europa Occidentale e dalla NATO (Capitolo I), 3) come si è sviluppata la GCC dal trattato di Maastricht a oggi (Capitolo II e Capitolo III); 4) come si concepisce, pianifica e lancia una missione di GCC (Capitolo iv); quali sono le missioni di GCC realizzate dall'UE dal 1997 al 2006 (capitolo v); 5) quale è la relazione tra PESC, PESD E GCC e il valore aggiunto della GCC dell'ue rispetto ad altre organizzazioni internazionali (Conclusioni) / Civilian Crisis Management (CCM) is part of the European security and defence policy (ESDP), which is, on its own, an element of the broader common foreign and security policy (CFSP). CCM, ESDP and CFSP are tools of the external relations of the European Union (EU) . Civilian crisis management is a policy of the EU whose analysis requires both a theoretical and practical approach. It is indispensable to understand what civilian crisis management is, in general, and specifically in the framework of the European Union (Chapter I). Afterwards, some attention has been devoted to the investigation of the civilian crisis management initiatives of the United Nations (UN), of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), of the Western European Union (WEU) and of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (Chapter I). A further step in the understanding of the CCM of the EU is the evaluation of its historical evolution from the Treaty of Maastricht up to 2006 (Chapter II and III). It is also paramount to consider how CCM missions are designed, planned and deployed (Chapter IV) and which missions have been carried trough until 2006 (Chapter V). Finally, it has been evaluated which is the current relations in-between CCM, ESDP and CFSP and which is the added value of EU's CCM compared to the initiatives of other international organizations (Conclusions).

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis studies police reform in El Salvador and South Africa. While both countries differ considerably in geographic size, culture, location, population, and economic and military strength, they share common security concerns. Under authoritarian rule, their primary security concerns were not military threats from other states, but rather internal threats due to economic, political, and social weakness. Civilian police forces became highly politicized and militarized, incapable of controlling crime, lacking accountability and oversight, and exhibiting total disregard for human rights. This thesis compares El Salvador and South Africa, two cases of negotiated war transitions. Although both countries faced similar militarization of internal security forces, South Africa seemed in a much better position to face challenges of consolidation. First, South Africa's military did not pose any opposition to police reform because the military and police had a long history of being organizationally separated. In contrast, El Salvador's police had a history of being controlled and directed by the military and they fell organizationally under the Defense Ministry. Second, in South Africa, the opposition group (ANC) rather than the rightist government won the foundational elections. Increased domestic support for internal security reform is more likely as the previous rightist government is discredited. Conversely, in El Salvador, the rightist ARENA government won the foundational elections indicating that it would more likely lead to lack of domestic support. The continuance of power would likely mean that the government would prefer the continuance of status quo to far-reaching reform. Finally, the international community was available to aid in the implementation and consolidation of reform in both countries. However, because domestic support was likely to be greater in South Africa, the international community's ability to influence the implementation of reform would also be greater. Yet, the outcome of reform efforts in both countries was surprisingly similar. This can best be explained by the overwhelming obstacles to the consolidation of police reform posed by the conditions of post-conflict societies. / Major, New Hampshire Air National Guard

Depuis 2001, l'UE a mené plus d'une vingtaine d'opérations militaires et de missions civiles, et elle est désormais considérée comme une organisation majeure dans le domaine du maintien de la paix.Longtemps perçue comme une organisation intergouvernementale, la mise en place d'une structure européenne de gestion des crises intégrée au coeur de l'organisation, ainsi que la délégation de la gestion courante de la crise aux organes européens, ont participé à l'autonomisation progressive de l'UE par rapport à ses Etats membres. Cette autonomisation de l'organisation se manifeste également dans l'ordre juridique international. Tout un corps de règles s'applique alors à l'UE du fait de son intervention dans l'ordre juridique international, notamment les règles relatives à la responsabilité internationale des organisations régionales. L'intervention effective de l'Union européenne dans le domaine du maintien de la paix – en tant qu'organisation régionale – s'inscrit dans un cadre juridique imprécis. Or, le phénomène de régionalisation a pu être interprété comme portant préjudice au système de sécurité collective instauré par la Charte des Nations unies. Partant,deux aspects de l'intervention effective de l'UE appellent analyse : celui de la conformité de son action au cadre onusien et celui de sa contribution aux évolutions du maintien de la paix / Since 2001, the EU has conducted more than twenty military operations and civilian missions, and is now seen as one of the leading organizations in the field of peacekeeping. For a long time perceived as an intergovernmental organization, the establishment of an integrated structure for crisis management into the heart of the organization, as well as the delegation of this crisis management to the different European organs, have contributed to the gradual empowerment of the EU toward its member states. This process of becoming autonomous is also evident in the international legal order. A large set of rules thus applies to the EU due to its involvement in the international legal order, including rules relating to the international responsibility for regional organizations. The effective intervention of the European Union in the field of peacekeeping – as a regional organization– is in keeping with an unclear legal framework. However, the phenomen on of regionalization could have been interpreted as prejudicing the collective security system established by the UN Charter.Two aspects of the effective intervention of the European Union call for analysis : the conformity of its action to the UN framework and its contribution to the evolution of peacekeeping