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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 211 to 220 of 222 (0.166 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"civilian"" "subject:"civilians""
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Les répercussions de la responsabilité de protéger sur le droit international publicCardinal St-Onge, Stéphane 04 1900 (has links)
La responsabilité de protéger a été élaborée en 2001 par la Commission internationale de l’intervention et de la souveraineté des États. Le concept se voulait une réponse aux controverses suscitées par les interventions armées à des fins humanitaires menées dans les années 1990. Il cherchait à concilier l’intervention à des fins humanitaires et le principe de souveraineté afin d’assurer la protection universelle des populations civiles, notamment par les actions du Conseil de sécurité, tout en respectant les principes qui constituent les fondements de la société internationale basée sur la Charte des Nations Unies. Avec son entérinement par les 191 États membres des Nations Unies lors du Sommet mondial de 2005, la responsabilité de protéger est devenue un sujet incontournable du discours international. En 2011, la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité de protéger par le Conseil de sécurité durant la guerre civile en Libye et la crise postélectorale en Côte d’Ivoire a mis le concept au premier plan de l’actualité internationale. Notre mémoire cherche à déterminer les répercussions juridiques qu’a eues la responsabilité de protéger sur le principe de la souveraineté étatique et sur le fonctionnement institutionnel du Conseil de sécurité. / The Responsibility to Protect was elaborated in 2001 by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty following the controversies surrounding humanitarian interventions lead during the 1990s. The Responsibility to Protect aimed at reconciling intervention for human protection purposes and sovereignty in order to ensure the universal protection of civilian populations, notably through the Security Council, while respecting the principles constituting the foundation of the international society based on the Charter of the United Nations. Since its acceptance by the 191 Member States of the United Nations during the 2005 World Summit, the concept has become a subject of first importance at the international stage. The implementation of the Responsibility to Protect by the Security Council in 2011 during the Civil War in Libya and the post-electoral crisis in Ivory Coast has put the concept on the headlines of the international news. Our thesis aims at determining the juridical repercussions that the Responsibility to Protect had on the State Sovereignty principle and on the institutional functioning of the Security Council.
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Le statut de combattant dans les conflits armés non internationaux : etude critique de droit international humanitaire / The Status of Combatant in Non-international armed Conflicts : critical Study of International Humanitarian LawAivo, Gérard 14 October 2011 (has links)
Avant les Conventions de Genève de 1949, seuls les conflits armés internationaux étaient réglementés par le droit de la guerre. Ce dernier ne pouvait s’appliquer dans les guerres civiles qu’après la reconnaissance des forces rebelles comme partie belligérante. Or, depuis la Seconde guerre mondiale on a assisté à une multiplication des conflits armés non internationaux. Mais les Conventions de Genève de 1949 leur ont consacré seulement l’article 3 commun ; puis le Protocole II additionnel de 1977 est venu le compléter. Ces deux textes comportent de nombreuses lacunes, notamment l’absence de définition des « combattants » et des « civils », rendant ainsi difficile le respect du principe de distinction pourtant essentiel à la protection des populations civiles. Ces dispositions ne réglementent pas non plus les moyens et méthodes de guerre. Outre les lacunes normatives, il y a des problèmes matériels qui compliquent la mise en œuvre efficace des règles pertinentes. Il s’agit notamment de la participation des populations civiles aux hostilités, y compris les enfants-Soldats et les mercenaires. L’absence du statut de combattant dans les conflits armés non internationaux apparaît comme le problème principal compromettant l’efficacité du DIH. Celle-Ci ne contribue-T-Elle pas au non respect de ce droit par les groupes armés ? Faudrait-Il conférer ce statut à ces derniers en vue de les amener à appliquer le droit international humanitaire ou envisager d’autres moyens ? Lesquels ? / Before the Geneva Conventions of 1949, only the international armed conflicts were regulated by the law of the war. This last one could apply in the civil wars only after the recognition of the rebel forces as belligerent party. Now, since the Second World War we attended an increase in non-International armed conflicts. But the Geneva Conventions of 1949 dedicated them only the common article 3; then the additional Protocol II of 1977 came to complete it. These two texts contain numerous gaps, in particular the absence of definition of the "combatants" and the "civilians", making so difficult the respect for the principle of distinction nevertheless essential for the protection of the civil populations. These rules do not regulate either the means and the war methods. Besides the normative gaps, there are material problems which complicate the effective implementation of the relevant rules. It is in particular about the participation of the civil populations in the hostilities, including the children-Soldiers and the mercenaries. The absence of combatant's status in the non-International armed conflicts appears as the main problem compromising the efficiency of the international humanitarian law. Does not this one contribute to the non compliance with this law by the armed groups? Would it be necessary to confer this status to these last ones to bring them to apply the international humanitarian law or to envisage the other means? Which one?
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Ideographs, Fragments, and Strategic Absences: An Ideographic Analysis of <Collateral Damage>Rhidenour, Kayla 12 1900 (has links)
This study examined the ideograph of <collateral damage> through an analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric as well as visual photographs of Iraqi civilian deaths. The project argues that the psycho-dynamic rhetoric of the Bush Administration during a time of visual censorship lead to the dehumanization of Iraqi civilian deaths during the War in Iraq. The method consisted of a textual analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric and continued with a content analysis of news media's photographs. The author argues that critics gain a deeper understanding of the disappearing dead phenomenon of Iraqi civilians by examining ideographic fragments of psycho-dynamic rhetoric.
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Evropská bezpečnostní a obranná politika - 10 let plánů, nadějí, úspěchů i zklamání / European Security and Defence Policy - 10 years of plans, hopes, successes and disappointmentsHlaváčková, Kristina January 2009 (has links)
European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), which creates security and defence dimension of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union, is today one of the most dynamically developing European projects. During the ten years of its existence it has demonstrated its sense, vitality, the momentum of development, the ability to respond to current topics, issues and trends, created strong political and military structure and committed to develop its own military capabilities, established integrated strategy for security and defence and create framework for cooperation with NATO. ESDP was able to turn the initial theoretical considerations into political and military practice. EU has launched more than twenty military or civilian missions and gradually began to build a global position as a credible security actor. The entire decade of the ESDP, however, was not only about the venerable results. At the same time, it accompanied the unsuccessful efforts to find consensus among nearly three dozens of Member States, the lack of sufficient resources and skills to empower the real defence connected with military- technical dependence on NATO, the limited flexibility of the system of political decision-making and limits set by the actual nature of the European Union. The main objective of...
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What ‘Security’, whose ‘Rights’ and which ‘Law’? : the Israeli High Court of Justice and the Israeli settlements in the occupied West BankAl-Salem, Rouba 11 1900 (has links)
No description available.
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The Sisters of Charity in Nineteenth-Century America: Civil War Nurses and Philanthropic PioneersCoon, Katherine E. 19 July 2010 (has links)
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis seeks to answer the following question: What was the legacy of the Sisters of Charity in the history of philanthropy, women’s history, medicine and nursing? The Sisters of Charity was a Catholic religious order that provided volunteer nurses, and became highly visible, during the American Civil War. Several hundred Catholic sister nurses served; they supported both the Union and Confederacy by caring for soldiers from both armies. The sisters’ story is important because of the religious and gender biases they overcame. As nurses, the Sisters of Charity interacted with different people: they cared for soldiers, worked at the direction of surgeons and alongside lay relief workers. The war propelled them into public view, and the sisters acted as agents of change. Their philanthropy eroded some of the antebellum cultural proscriptions that previously confined Catholics, women and nurses.
This thesis argues the Sisters of Charity created and implemented an antebellum philanthropic model, key aspects of which the majority, non-Catholic culture emulated after the war. The Sisters of Charity were agents of social change: they broke down religious, social and gender barriers, and developed a prototype for a healthcare model that the secular world emulated. Many women responded to the unprecedented suffering and cataclysmic conditions of the Civil War in a multitude of ways, and philanthropy was forever changed as a result. Wartime benevolence provided templates for large-scale voluntary organizations, illuminated the issue of payment for charity workers, moved the practice of philanthropy from individual to institutional, and led to the development of nursing as a profession. Female voluntarism shifted into the front and center of the public sphere. Charitable work moved along the continuum from individual to institutional, from volunteer to professional. Questions regarding the respective roles of payment to charitable workers developed. Nursing gained recognition as a profession, and formal training began. The Sisters of Charity were leaders in all these areas, and their orders served as models for the future of philanthropy. Yet they are often absent from analyses of the trajectory of nineteenth-century philanthropy, and this thesis delivers them to the discussion.
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Strengthening embargoes and enhancing human security.Kirkham, E., Flew, C. January 2003 (has links)
yes / Arms embargoes are one of the principal tools of states in seeking to prevent, limit and bring an end
to armed conflict and human rights abuses. Despite the frequency with which arms embargoes
have been imposed, there are significant problems with their implementation. Pressure is therefore
growing for the international governmental community to act in order to ensure that the political
commitment embodied by the imposition of arms embargoes is matched by the commitment to
ensure their rigorous enforcement and to achieve enhanced human security on the ground. Increasing the effectiveness of arms embargoes is a specific aim of the United Nations Programme
of Action for Preventing and Combating the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its
Aspects1 which specifically calls upon states "To take appropriate measures, including all legal or
administrative means, against any activity that violates a United Nations Security Council arms
embargo in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations".2 Accordingly, within the context of
the implementation of the UN PoA, the overall aim of this paper is to explore ways in which the
international community can act in order to strengthen the impact of arms embargoes and enhance
human security. It will begin by examining the purposes, processes and effects relating to arms
embargoes, with particular attention to those agreed at international (UN) level, and by highlighting
issues of concern in each regard. An overview of the main issues and challenges facing
implementation of arms embargoes will include the elaboration of three case-study examples
showing the impact of UN arms embargoes on the availability of arms and on human security and a
further five that illustrate the dilemmas faced by states in seeking to implement arms embargoes.
Priority areas for attention in any international effort to strengthen the effectiveness of arms
embargoes will be followed by more extensive proposals for enhancing international embargo
regimes within the context of implementing the UN PoA.
Whilst it is recognised that the UN PoA contains measures that relate only to the illicit trade in small arms
and light weapons (SALW), if implemented fully, many of these would serve to strengthen the
international apparatus of control, information exchange and provision of assistance relating to arms
proliferation and misuse as a whole. In turn, this would greatly enhance the implementation of UN arms
embargoes. Therefore, as well as providing an opportunity for reviewing progress on implementing the
PoA, the first Biennial Meeting of States in July 2003 is clearly a major opportunity for states to address
a number of the pressing challenges facing states in the implementation of UN embargoes.
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Colombia: Postured for Failure, a Lesson in Counterinsurgency StrategyBrodie, Abdullah 01 January 2009 (has links)
There is little solid research that explores counterinsurgency practices against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), not only from the standpoint of what is being done, but, rather, what should be done based on past COIN successes. Notable works on counterinsurgency in Colombia include the research of Tom Marks, who focused on operational strategy and tactics; Kevin Self, who professes the importance of controlling territory in defeating the FARC, by addressing the social and institutional ills within Colombia itself; and Dennis Rempe, who notes US involvement in shaping Colombia's COIN strategy. Using a comparative case study model, this thesis provides an analysis of Colombia?s counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies and tactics through the lens of successful and unsuccessful COIN operations in Iraq, Algeria, Malaya, South Vietnam, Thailand, Algeria and El Salvador over the course of the 20th and early 21st centuries. After all, no matter how successful a COIN force is militarily, their accomplishments will ultimately be fruitless if the conditions which fuel insurgency remains present. This paper begins by providing the historical context for the conditions which shaped the Colombian social order, which led to the revolutionary movement. It then follows the growth of the FARC, examining that organization?s strengths and weaknesses. The FARC is contrasted by outlining recent COIN transformation efforts within the Colombian government, to include little acknowledged failures and successes, strengths and weaknesses. An important focus is placed on Colombian President Alvaro Uribe Velez? Democratic Security Policy as the model for Colombia?s current COIN efforts. After next examining various ongoing factors contributing to the Colombian insurgency?to include institutional failures, illicit funding and the problem of paramilitary groups?this thesis examines past COIN efforts by other governments. Finally, after applying lessons learned from thee past COIN efforts?cross-referencing historically successful and unsuccessful tactics with tactics used and not used by Bogota in its fight against the FARC?I provide recommendations to the government of Colombia (GOC) on how to improve its COIN efforts. Although it is important to look at this problem set from an external standpoint, we must still factor in internal factors that have limited Colombia?s ability to emerge victorious, such as allowing porous borders, airspace and coastlines; placing a priority on killing or capturing the enemy and not on engaging the population; and the primacy of military direction of counterinsurgency; disregard of basic human rights; an insufficient judiciary structure; failure to halt financial support mechanisms; and the lack of an outlet for political inclusion . From this vantage point, we will be able to see that these elements?when properly implemented?have proven successful over time and may enhance GOC success and ultimately result in victory over the insurgency that has plagued their country for 40+ years
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Le Comité international de la Croix-Rouge en Afrique centrale à la fin du XXe siècle : cas du Cameroun, du Congo Brazzaville, du Congo Kinshasa et du Gabon de 1960 à 1999 / The ICRC in Central Africa in the end of the 20 th century : Case study of Cameroon, Congo-Brazzaville, RDCongo and Gabon, from 1960 up to 1999Bounda, Sosthène 20 March 2015 (has links)
Le comité international de la Croix-Rouge en abrégé CICR est une organisation humanitaire fondée en 1863 par le Comité de cinq citoyens suisses: Gustave Moynier, Henri Dunant, Guillaume Dufour, Louis Appia, Théodore Maunoir. Crée à la base pour secourir et venir en aide aux victimes de guerre, sur une initiative d'Henri Dunant d'après un souvenir de la Guerre de Solferino, le CICR élargira son champ d'action après la Convention de Genève de 1949. En effet, le CICR est l'ONG la plus représentée dans le monde et c'est à juste titre qu'elle fut Prix-Nobel de la paix en 1901 remis à Henri Dunant, en 1917, 1944, 1963, pour son effort lors des différents conflits, mais aussi le prix Balzan pour l'humanité, la paix et la fraternité entre les peuples en 1996. Elle s'est établie progressivement dans tous les continents après la seconde Guerre Mondiale. Avant cela, elle n'était qu'une ONG essentiellement européenne. En Afrique Centrale, la délégation de la Croix-Rouge Internationale était basée à Yaoundé au Cameroun et comprenait les pays d'Afrique Centrale tels que le Congo, la RD Congo, le Gabon, la Guinée Equatoriale et le Sao-Tomé. Dans ces pays l'oeuvre du CICR varie selon les besoins Humanitaires des uns et des autres. En effet, plus un Etat est en guerre, plus l’intervention du CICR est importante. Cette intervention se fait dans le respect des règles établies lors des différentes Conventions de Genève, de la Haye et bien d’autres encore. De ces différentes conférences est né le Droit international humanitaire qui codifie l’action du CICR sur le terrain, surtout en temps de guerre, mais aussi celles des autres ONG, y compris les entités onusiennes. Le Droit international est le respect des Droits de l’homme et son environnement en période de conflit armé. Ainsi l’action du CICR en Afrique Centrale a été plus importante en République Démocratique du Congo qu’au Gabon qui est resté sans conflits guerriers depuis 1960, date de départ de notre borne chronologique. Les pays qui font l’objet de notre étude ont connu diverses péripéties : la guerre de Bakassi pour le Cameroun, la guerre civile du Congo Brazzaville et la guerre à multiples facettes interminable en République Démocratique du Congo. L’intervention du CICR en temps de paix est souvent confiée aux Sociétés nationales qui doivent former les secouristes, diffuser le Droit international humanitaire, entre autres de leurs activités quotidiennes de supplier les gouvernements dans leurs missions de santé, d’hygiène. Même cette mission du CICR en temps de paix vise la limitation des dégâts en temps de guerre. / The International Committee of the Red Cross ICRC abstract is a humanitarian organization founded in 1863 by the Committee of five Swiss citizens: Moynier, Henry Dunant, Guillaume Dufour, Louis Appia, ThéodoreMaunoir. Creates the basis for the relief and assistance to victims of war, an initiative of Henry Dunant from a memory of the War of Solferino, the ICRC will extend its scope after the Geneva Convention of 1949. In Indeed, the ICRC is the NGO most represented in the world and it is appropriate that it was price-Nobel Peace Prize in 1901 awarded to Henri Dunant, in 1917, 1944, 1963 for his effort during the different conflicts, but also the Balzan Prize for humanity, peace and brotherhood among peoples in 1996. It was established gradually in all continents after the Second World War. Before that, she was a mostly European NGOs. In Central Africa, the delegation of the International Red Cross is based in Yaounde, Cameroon and includes the Central African countries such as Congo, DR Congo, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome. In these countries the work of the ICRC varies Humanitarian needs of each other. The more a country is at war, most of the ICRC's intervention is important. This procedure is done in accordance with the rules established in the various Geneva Conventions, the Hague and many others. Of these conferences was born on international humanitarian law that codifies the ICRC's work in the field, especially in time of war, but also those of other NGOs, including UN entities. International law is respect for human rights and the environment in times of armed conflict. Thus the ICRC's work in Central Africa was greater in Democratic Republic of Congo and Gabon, which remained without military conflicts since 1960, starting date of our chronological terminal. The countries that are the subject of our study experienced various vicissitudes: Bakassi war for Cameroon, the civil war in Congo Brazzaville and war multifaceted ending in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The intervention of the ICRC in time of peace is often left to National Societies must train rescuers dissemination of international humanitarian law, including their daily activities to beg governments in their health missions, hygiene. Even the ICRC mission in peacetime is damage limitation in time of war.
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La coaction en droit pénal / Co-perpetration in criminal lawBaron, Elisa 07 December 2012 (has links)
Le coauteur est traditionnellement défini en droit pénal comme l’individu qui, agissant avec un autre, réunit sur sa tête l’ensemble des éléments constitutifs de l’infraction. Pourtant, il est permis de douter de la pertinence de cette affirmation tant la jurisprudence comme la doctrine en dévoient le sens.En réalité, loin d’être cantonnée à une simple juxtaposition d’actions, la coaction doit être appréhendée comme un mode à part entière de participation à l’infraction. En effet, elle apparaît comme un titre d’imputation à mi-chemin entre l’action et la complicité, auxquelles elle emprunte certains caractères. Autrement dit, elle se révèle être un mode de participation à sa propre infraction. Surtout, son particularisme est assuré par l’interdépendance unissant les coauteurs : parce que chacun s’associe à son alter ego, tous sont placés sur un pied d’égalité. Ces différents éléments, qui se retrouvent dans sa notion et dans son régime, permettent ainsi d’affirmer la spécificité de la coaction tout en renforçant la cohérence entre les différents modes de participation criminelle. / In criminal law, the co-perpetrator is classically presented as an individual who, acting jointly with another, gathers all the constitutive elements of the offence. However, one may harbor doubts concerning the relevance of this assertion since both case law and legal scholars denature its meaning.Actually, far from being limited to a mere juxtaposition of perpetrations, co-perpetration must be understood as a full mode of participation in the offence. Indeed, it appears as a form of imputation halfway between perpetration and complicity, from which it borrows some characteristics. In other words, it proves to be a mode of participation in one’s own offence. Above all, its particularism is provided by the interdependence between the co-perpetrators : because each of them joins forces with his alter ego, all are placed on an equal footing. These elements, which are found both in it’s concept and in it’s regime, demonstrate thereby the specificity of co-perpetration while strengthening the coherence of the different modes of criminal participation.
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