Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since the fall of the Iron Curtain, the issue of civil-military relations has become critical to the development of the new Eastern European democracies. Both the United States and Germany have a long civil-military relations tradition. A comparison of the United States' and Germany's approaches to civil-military relations will provide clear examples for new democratic states to follow, as they develop their civil-military relations, especially as they consider multi-national NATO units. Following an overview of civil-military theory, this thesis highlights the historical and political developments of civil-military relations within both countries. The thesis further explains the similarities and differences in their developments, as well as the implications for the military profession. The thesis provides a comparison of both approaches to the military profession and to the primary civil-military relations theory, in order to determine if the requirement of democratic civilian control over the military has been met. The thesis summarizes advantages and disadvantages of both American and German approaches. / Lieutenant Colonel (GS), German Army

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / This thesis examines the role of paramilitary forces in the counterinsurgency operations being launched by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) against the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People's Army (NPA). The Philippine government and the AFP firmly believe that the present Civilian Armed Force Geographical Unit Active Auxiliary (CAA) is an essential component of the AFP's Operational clear-hold-support methodology. Many scholars have argued that separating the Communist guerrillas from the populace is an important element in winning the counterinsurgency campaign. Isolating the Communist insurgents is done through the creation of local militia. However, some authors contend it would be dangerous for any government to train paramilitary forces because, in the long term, the governments are unsure of the future loyalties of these paramilitary forces. They may currently be working for the government, but as they work and gain skills, these paramilitary forces could use these same skills against the government in the future. Thus, it is quite dangerous to train paramilitary forces. The Philippine paramilitaries are good examples of paramilitary forces being used effectively for counterinsurgency. Their primary task of protecting the communities and the people from the coercive and abusive acts of the Communist insurgents are achieved. They are an effective counterinsurgency force because of proper training as well as command and control. This thesis concludes that the Philippine government and the AFP are headed in the right operational direction for utilizing paramilitary forces for village defense and as the protectors of the people. The paramilitary forces in the Philippines need the proper training as well as command and control in order to make these paramilitary forces effective counterinsurgency forces. / Colonel, Philippine Army

Les réformes menées sous Dioclétien et Constantin établirent des circonscriptions et des hiérarchies administratives qui demeurèrent stables dans les Gaules, les Espagnes et en Bretagne, tout au long du IVe siècle. Suite aux usurpations du début du Ve siècle et aux installations des groupes barbares, le pouvoir préfectoral arlésien perdit progressivement le contrôle sur ces provinces, ce qui perturba le fonctionnement de l’appareil fiscal. Au Ve siècle, des membres des familles sénatoriales les plus en vue, souvent originaires du diocèse des Sept Provinces, accaparèrent la charge de préfet du prétoire des Gaules. L’administration des provinces gauloises et hispaniques qui reconnaissaient encore le pouvoir impérial fut alors de plus en plus décentralisée. À partir de la fin des années 460, des aristocrates gallo ou hispano-romains apparaissent comme étant au service des rois, un phénomène qui indique que ces pouvoirs barbares devenaient des acteurs politiques incontournables. La disparition de l’autorité impériale en Occident et le fait que les royaumes romano-barbares devinrent des entités politiques autonomes parachevèrent les fragmentations territoriales, politiques et sociales initiées depuis le début du Ve siècle. Ces nouveaux pouvoirs n’eurent d’autres solutions que de conserver une partie des instances de l’administration judiciaire et fiscale romaine et de les adapter aux nouveaux espaces. Ainsi, c’est à l’échelle locale et, surtout, au niveau de la cité que l’essentiel des fonctions de l’administration civile furent dès lors accomplies et que les trois acteurs majeurs de la vie administrative dans la Gaule franque et l’Hispanie wisigothe, à savoir le comte, l’évêque et les élites des cités, évoluèrent. / Reforms established under the age of Diocletian and Constantin set up circumscriptions and administrative hierarchies that remained stable throughout the IVth century in Gaul, Spain and Britain. As a consequence of usurpations at the beginning of the Vth century and of Barbarians’ settlements, the Arlesian prefectoral power progressively lost the control of these provinces, thus perturbing the fiscal system. In the Vth century, the prominent senatorial family members, who were often from the Seven Provinces diocese, monopolized the position of praetorian prefect of Gaul. The administration of Gallic and Spanish provinces, which still recognized the imperial power, became more and more decentralized. As of the late 460's, Gallic and Spanish aristocrats are established as kings' servants, which indicates that these Barbarian leaders were becoming very important political players. In the western territories, the disappearance of the imperial power, together with the fact that the Romano-Germanic kingdoms became autonomous political bodies, finished the territorial, political and social fragmentation process that had started at the beginning of the Vth century. These new power entities had no other solution than keeping some of the Roman legal and fiscal administration authorities and adapting them to the new territories. As a consequence, it is at the local scale, and mostly at city level, that most of the positions in civil administration were located and involved the three main players in the Frankish Gaul and Visigothic Spain administration, namely the count, the bishop and the city élites.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:26:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriel Abrao Filho.pdf: 1064954 bytes, checksum: 613051a497bd61201ae6e9a378c928aa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-26 / That study had like objective the analysis of the some aspects of material, procedural and procedural right brought by Law 8.429/92. The relevance of the choice of the subject is unquestionable, sufficiency be attacked for the relative events to the acts of the Public Administration in the last decade and, more precisely, in the two last years of the national political setting. The society has the right to the installment of you count of the acts of the public agents, supported that is for the international and national legislation, by the idea of that the necessary, public force for the guarantee of the rights of the man and of the citizen is instituted for fruition by everybody and not for private utility of those to who is trusted. The Brazilian society looks that awoke for the reality of that what is public is of everybody and those in who trusted and, however, betrayed that confidence, should be made responsible and take responsibility for that. The present study it is divided in four parts, where they had been identified and distinguished the acts that characterize the administrative improbity, as well as the principles mortally wounded by this civil behavior, sanctions and the criminal guardianship of the improbity, the analysis of the administrative procedures and the civil inquiry and the study of aspects of the action at law and the special procedure brought by the Law of Administrative Improbity / Esse trabalho teve como objeto o estudo de alguns aspectos de direito material, processual e procedimental trazidos pela Lei 8.429/92. O tema é relevante e objeto de constantes debates no cenário nacional, basta se atentar para os acontecimentos relativos aos atos da Administração Pública na última década e, mais precisamente, nos dois últimos anos do cenário político nacional. A sociedade tem o direito à prestação de contas dos atos dos agentes públicos, amparada que está pela legislação nacional e internacional, pela idéia de que a força pública, necessária para a garantia dos direitos do homem e do cidadão é instituída para fruição por todos e não para utilidade particular daqueles a quem é confiada. A sociedade brasileira parece que despertou para a realidade de que o que é público é de todos, impondo-se a responsabilização daqueles agentes que agiram contrariamente ao interesse público. O presente estudo está dividido em quatro partes, onde foram identificados e distinguidos os atos que caracterizam a improbidade administrativa, bem como os princípios malferidos pela conduta ímproba, as sanções civis e a tutela penal da improbidade, a análise dos procedimentos administrativos e do inquérito civil e o estudo de aspectos do processo judicial e do procedimento especial trazido pela Lei de Improbidade Administrativa

The objective of this dissertation is to understand how social-political conservative and liberal movements worked in the construction and consolidation of Coup d’État Civilian- Military of 1964, from his performance on the hegemonic, political and political-institutional fields in Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. With this this objective, the first chapter treats the themes referencing to anticomunism, the Cold War and the ideological clashes that arose from this context that produced a growing polarization in the Brazilian political forces. The ideological glue that unifies the conservative forces, despite their multiplicity, in coping the project of the anti-reformists, has on the Catholic Church and the Press its main vehicle of transmission. In the second chapter, the subject is the political vanguard of the conservative segment of civil society organizations, in particular the self-labeled as producing classes, both in its urban extent, through FIERGS and FEDERASUL, and the rural, with FARSUL. In the third chapter we study the performance of the institutional and political liberals and conservatives forces to support and legitimize the Coup d’État Civilian-Military of 1964, through political parties as PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP and PL, their partisan front, the ADP, and factor decisive in triggering the coup, the government Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental for the success civilian-military coup in Rio Grande do Sul. On this dissertation, we try to demonstrate in practice how socialpolitical liberal and conservative movements work in building and sustaining the Coup ‘État, from its political action in the ideological field, on public opinion and at the political institutions. If we think of it as a preemptive strike, because it is an action triggered against the rise of social movements' struggles and nationalist politicians and reformers and their programs, it is important to highlight that, dialectically, we think about a social-political movement that brings together wide liberals and conservatives sectors on behalf of a project based on the formulations of the National Security and Development Doctrine. The takeover is only possible because of this work arduously growth, which allowed much of the Brazilian society to accept, back in 1964, the project of authoritarian development. / O objetivo dessa dissertação é compreender como os movimentos sociais e políticos conservadores e liberais atuaram na construção e consolidação do Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, a partir de sua atuação no campo hegemônico, político e, político-institucional no Rio Grande do Sul. Com este objetivo, o capítulo um trata dos temas referentes ao anticomunismo, à Guerra Fria e os embates ideológicos advindos desse contexto que produziu uma polarização crescente nas forças políticas brasileiras. O cimento ideológico que unifica as forças conservadoras, apesar de sua multiplicidade, no enfrentamento aos projetos reformistas é o anticomunismo, tendo na Igreja Católica e na Imprensa seus principais veículos de transmissão. No segundo capítulo, o objeto é a vanguarda política do segmento conservador da sociedade civil organizada, em especial, as auto identificadas como classes produtoras, tanto em sua dimensão urbana, através da FIERGS e da FEDERASUL, quanto a rural, com a FARSUL. No terceiro capítulo estudamos a atuação política institucional das forças liberais e conservadores, para apoiar e legitimar o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, através dos partidos políticos, PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP e PL, sua frente partidária, a ADP, e o fator decisivo na deflagração do Golpe de Estado, o governo Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental para o sucesso do Golpe civil-militar no Rio Grande do Sul. Nesta dissertação tentamos demonstrar, como os movimentos sociais e políticos liberais e conservadores atuam na construção e sustentação do Golpe, a partir da sua atuação política no campo das ideias, da opinião pública e no plano político institucional. Se podemos pensá-lo como um golpe preventivo, pois, tratase de uma ação deflagrada contra a ascensão das lutas dos movimentos sociais e políticos nacionalistas e reformistas e seu programa, é importante destacar que, dialeticamente, trata-se de um movimento sócio-político que aglutina amplos setores liberais e conservadores em nome de um projeto baseado nas formulações da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento. Resultado de um intenso trabalho conspiratório e de conquista da hegemonia política para efetivação do programa de crescimento econômico e modernização autoritária. A tomada de poder somente é possível porque este trabalho, arduamente desenvolvido, permitiu que boa parte da sociedade brasileira aceitasse, naqueles idos de 1964, o projeto de desenvolvimento autoritário.

Les enfants constituent un groupe vulnérable de la société et à ce titre ils nécessitent une protection spécifique, en particulier en temps de conflits armés où leurs droits peuvent être violés, qu'ils appartiennent à la population civile ou qu’ils soient impliqués militairement dans des conflits. Cette protection relève d’une problématique récente et qui demeure plus que jamais actuelle. Elle pose la question de savoir quel est le but de la spécificité annoncée dans la mesure où existe déjà une protection générale des civils. Faut-il entendre alors que cette dernière est insuffisante à protéger les enfants dans les situations de guerre ? Également, la protection tant générale que spécifique appliquée aux enfants, varie-t-elle selon que le conflit armé est de type international ou non-international ? L’ensemble de ces questions fera l’objet de la première partie de la thèse, intitulée : « La protection des enfants civils en temps de conflits armés ». La seconde partie de la thèse portant sur « La protection des enfants soldats en temps de conflits armés » se penche sur les conséquences juridiques de la participation des enfants à des hostilités. Et, dans ce cadre, savoir si ces enfants capturés par l’ennemi obtiendront le statut de prisonnier de guerre et s’ils seront poursuivis pénalement en cas de commission de crimes de guerre. L’autre question soulevée dans cette partie est celle de la responsabilité de l’État, du groupe, de l’individu, qui recrute des enfants aux fins de les utiliser dans des conflits armés, en dépit de leur engagement à ne pas le faire. Le cas de la Libye apparaît ici le plus indiqué ; en effet, le pays a traité de ces questions dans sa législation qui présente cependant des failles que nous mettons en exergue, d’autant que dans cet État a éclaté en février 2011 une guerre où sont recrutés et utilisés des enfants. / The protection of children during armed conflict - Comparative study between international law and Libyan lawChildren are a vulnerable group in society and as such they require special protection, especially in times of armed conflict where their rights may be violated, whether they belong to the civilian population or they are militarily involved in armed conflict. This protection is a recent problem and remains more than ever current. It raises the question of what is the purpose of the specificity announced to the extent that there is already a general protection of civilians. Must we then understand that the latter is insufficient to protect children in war situations? Also, does the general as well as the specific protection applied to children vary according to whether the armed conflict is international or non-international? All of these questions will be the subject of the first part of the thesis entitled: « The protection of civilian children in times of armed conflict ».The second part of the thesis on « The protection of child soldiers in times of armed conflict » examines the legal consequences of the participation of children in hostilities. And in this context, whether these children captured by the enemy will get the status of prisoner of war and whether they will be criminally prosecuted in case of commission of war crimes. The other issue raised in this section is the responsibility of the State, the group, the individual, who recruits children for use in armed conflict, despite their commitment not to do so. . The case of Libya appears here the most indicated; indeed, the country has dealt with these issues in its legislation which however presents flaws that we highlight, especially since in that state broke out in February 2011 a war where are recruited and used children.

Famine and destitution stemming from the Second World War had spread across the European continent and parts of Asia by mid-1945. Recognizing the need for recovery and survival in those regions, President Harry S. Truman at the recommendation of several Cabinet members, summoned ex-President Herbert Hoover for advice on how the United States should proceed in offering aid beyond the earlier efforts of the United Nations Rehabilitation and Relief Administration and other relief sources. After an absence from the White House and official government participation for many years, Hoover readily provided crucial advice on addressing famine relief in Europe and Asia based on his previous humanitarian leadership during and after the First World War. Recognizing that further action needed to be taken, Truman asked Hoover, as Honorary Chairman of the Famine Emergency Committee (FEC), to go to Europe and Asia to personally assess the famine relief needs. Hoover and several colleagues travelled 50,000 miles to thirty-eight different nations from March and into June 1946 to witness and evaluate famine needs in the afflicted nations, or arrange for food supply resources from various other countries; making a second trip to a struggling Germany and Austria in 1947. This thesis initially examines the narrative of the period between Hoover's reentry into public service, as requested by Truman, and the chronicle of the FEC missions. At the same time, it considers the purposes of the FEC missions, from both Hoover's and Truman's perspectives, and despite differing political viewpoints, the efforts of the two leaders to merge their activities into a common goal. The aim, amid early Cold War challenges, was to encourage both freedom and democracy in Europe and elsewhere, while sustaining free market economies and guarding against the spread of communism. As Hoover focused his efforts on American based humanitarian aid through the mechanism of food relief to promote economic prosperity, stability, and political freedoms, Truman endeavored to protect democracy as expressed in the Truman Doctrine. Both standpoints coalesced in a synthesis of anti-communism, global stability, and U.S. geopolitical interests. This thesis also will analyze the friendship that developed between Hoover and Truman during the FEC missions. This helped lead to further collaboration between the two leaders, as the President asked the ex-President to assist in the creation of the First Hoover Commission, leading to a Second Hoover Commission under President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Despite ongoing political dissimilarities and occasional disagreements, the friendship of Hoover and Truman strengthened and endured for the remainder of the lives.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze whether the EU can be considered as a &lsquo / limited&rsquo / military/strategic actor or as a civilian actor in the Post-Cold War international security architecture. In this framework, the impacts of the September 11 terrorist attacks and the US-led war in Iraq on the EU crisis management capabilities are analyzed more specifically. In this framework, firstly, the historical dynamics of European foreign and security policy from the Post-World War II period to the Post-September 11 period are analyzed. Secondly, the EU&rsquo / s changing role in the international arena together with its crisis management capability is evaluated. Thirdly, the EU&rsquo / s international actorness in the Post-September 11 era is discussed with a special reference to the US-led war in Iraq. In this general framework, following a brief analysis on reactions of the US and the EU against global terrorism, crisis management strategy of the EU during and after US-led war in Iraq is analyzed in detail. The last part allocated to, a critical analysis of the security actorness of the EU is made in order to conceptualize it and to draw a more theoretical framework. Moreover, it is mentioned in this thesis that while having triggering effect on the CFSP and ESDP, the 9/11 events and the US-led war in Iraq provides the emergence of new methods for crisis management and the European Security Strategy. Accordingly, considering the new international security context beginning with the end of Cold War period and transforming to another dimension by means of September 11 attacks, the main argument of this thesis is that the EU still tends to be a civilian actor as it was before and it is envisaged to be so in the foreseeable future despite its latest attempts to develop its common security and defence policies.

This thesis aims to show how gender is done in the Swedish Armed Forces, against the backdrop of its transition into an international defence organization and the international resolutions that call for gender mainstreaming in peacekeeping operations. In the so-called “New Armed Forces”, traditional demarcations that have separated civilian employees from members of the military officer profession are no longer self-evident. At the same time, what it means to be men and women in the military is changing. Three empirical studies form the basis of the thesis. The first consists of qualitative interviews with women pioneers in the military officer profession, and discusses how gender relations in the Swedish military have changed since the inclusion of women. The second addresses the intersecting relations of gender and occupation and is based on interviews with strategic and executive actors in the Armed Forces Headquarters. The third, ethnographic, study follows a military unit preparing for a peacekeeping mission. It focuses on gender relations in everyday work and shows how the ongoing transformation changes what it means to be military men and women. The thesis is informed by feminist studies of organization, critical studies of men and masculinities, research on professions and occupations, and military studies. A “doing gender” approach and a relational view of both gender and occupations guide the analysis. The analysis shows how established ways of doing gender are changed and reproduced in military practices, how the emphasis on peacekeeping reshapes gender relations in military work, and how organizational boundaries are maintained and deconstructed in organizational practices. Theoretically, the thesis contributes by developing tools for analysing the practising of gender in organizations. The concept of boundary work is elaborated into a tool for analysing how demarcations of gender and occupation are accomplished in work practices. The concept Repair work is employed to capture the complexities of doing masculinities in organizations, by looking closely at situations where the everyday practising of gender is disturbed. / Denna avhandling syftar till att visa hur genus görs i den svenska Försvarsmakten, mot bakgrund av organisationens förändring från invasionsförsvar till insatsförsvar. Denna process kopplas till kraven på jämställdhetsintegrering inom fredsbevarande arbete. I den så kallade ”nya Försvarsmakten” är de gränser som tidigare skilt civilanställda från yrkesofficerare inte längre självklara. Samtidigt förändras de innebörder som kön ges i organisationen. Avhandlingen bygger på tre empiriska studier. Den första består av kvalitativa intervjuer med några av de första kvinnliga yrkesofficerarna i Sverige och diskuterar hur genusrelationerna har förändras sedan kvinnor gavs tillträde till officersyrket. Den andra, som inriktar sig på hur genus- och yrkesrelationer samverkar, bygger på intervjuer med aktörer på ledande och strategiska positioner i Försvarsmaktens högkvarter. Den tredje studien är etnografisk och följer ett internationellt insatsförband under förberedelserna för en fredsbevarande insats. Den undersöker hur genusrelationer skapas i det dagliga arbetet och visar hur den pågående förändringen omformar de betydelser som kvinnor och män tillskrivs i militären. Den tidigare forskning som avhandlingen knyter an till är genus- och organisationsforskning, kritiska studier av män och maskulinitet, forskning om yrken och professioner samt samhällsvetenskapliga militärstudier. Genomgående används ett ”doing gender”-perspektiv samt ett relationellt förhållningsätt till genus såväl som yrke. Analysen visar hur etablerade sätt att göra kön förändras och reproduceras i militära praktiker, hur betoningen på fredsbevarande arbete omformar genusrelationer samt hur gränser upprätthålls och dekonstrueras i organisatoriska praktiker. Avhandlingen bidrar med nya teoretiska verktyg för att förstå genuspraktiker i organisationer. Begreppet gränsarbete vidareutvecklas till ett begrepp som visar hur genus- och yrkesgränser görs i det dagliga arbetet. Begreppet reparationsarbete tydliggör de komplexa praktiker genom vilka maskulinitet görs då det vardagliga genusskapandet sätts ur spel.

Thesis (Master of Military Art and Science)--Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, 2008. / Title from title screen (viewed June 16, 2009). "ADA482989"-DTIC URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-81).