Presidential transitions mark the starting point of any regime change in the US federal executive. During this period newly elected Presidents structure their Whitehouse, fill thousands of political appointments and select their policy priorities. Using Carl Brauer's observations on the successful conduct of presidential transitions this thesis examines the personnel and policy choices of Bill Clinton during his 1992-1993 presidential transition. Presidential transition success is, according to Brauer, reliant upon the awareness of four essential factors; early planning, White House structure, setting a legislative agenda and assessing personal strengths and weaknesses. These factors form a framework for the analysis of four domestic policy issue areas. The policies considered are national service, economic and budgetary policy, health care reform and the use of Executive Orders as a policy-making tool. These issues reflect the broad policy intentions of the Clinton administration during its first year in office. In linking the processes of personnel and policy selection across these issue areas this thesis considers the extent to which the Clinton administration was able to achieve its stated aims and objectives in 1992 and 1993. Assessments are made concerning the levels of success in each of the four factors and conclusions are drawn about the influence of the transition on the conduct of the Clinton presidency. In examining Bill Clinton's use of Executive Orders in the cases of homosexuals in the military and the reauthorisation of abortion practices a new perspective on the conduct of the modern presidency is unveiled.

In the early 1990s many scientists claimed that there was a scientific consensus that the anthropogenic production of greenhouse gases was causing global warming. Carbon dioxide is produced in far greater quantities than other greenhouse gases. Over 80 percent of the carbon dioxide produced in the United States comes from coal-fired power plants. If global warming is a threat to the welfare and survival of future generations, the United States, as one of the greatest producers of greenhouse gases,has an obligation to reduce its production of these gases. In order to determine the most effective way to reduce the production of greenhouse gases in the United States, this study examines recent efforts by the Clinton and Obama administrations to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from coal-fired power plants.The Clinton and Obama administrations were selected for this study because both administrations were Democratic, and both had avowed political agendas to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. For the first two years each administration enjoyed the support of Democratic majorities in both Houses of Congress, and they had similar political support for the remainder of their time in office. This study will show that President Obama’s executive approach to reducing carbon dioxide emissions from coal-fired power plants has been more effective than the legislative approach of the Clinton administration. The study will indicate that a scientific consensus about anthropogenic global warming and the political will to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from coal-fired power plants did not exist during the 1990s. The study also shows that, despite the effectiveness of the Obama administration in reducing carbon dioxide emissions, there are many problems with the executive approach to the problem. The study suggests that the Clean Air Act has ceded to much legislative power to the Executive branch of government, and that success in reducing carbon dioxide emissions from coal-fired power plants is too dependent on the will of the Executive.

The late 1990's was a time of great wealth and prosperity in the United States. With this economic fervor came a new era of deregulation of the financial services industry. During this time, Congress passed the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999, otherwise referred to as the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act (GBLA). This law removed the final barrier (contained in Depression-era Glass-Steagall legislation) between mixing investment banking and commercial banking in the United States. The purpose of this report is to explain the intentions of the law's supporters and detractors, to discuss why this period was a particularly ripe time for such a policy, to examine the leadership decisions that contributed to the passage of GLBA, and to understand the motives behind a "new Glass-Steagall" bill today. This paper focuses only on the deregulatory parts of GLBA relevant to Glass-Steagall's repeal. It does not examine the privacy protections, et al. of GLBA at any length. Also contained in the analysis is a brief discussion of whether GLBA's stated intentions have been violated through the mixing of banking and commerce that has emerged in the present day. Finally, this report ends with a discussion on the fidelity of our national debate on banking regulation, and what it means for the federal government to manage risk in American financial markets in support of the public interest. / text

Pour la première fois dans l'histoire américaine, une politique africaine ambitieuse et raisonnée, s'adressant à l'ensemble du continent, a été mise en place lors de la présidence Clinton (1993-2001). Cette politique fut développée et appliquée à la faveur des évolutions du contexte international, et particulièrement de la mondialisation. Celle-ci rendit nécessaire une politique américaine globale du fait de l'interdépendance croissante des enjeux, et posa entre autres la question des relations américano-africaines du point de vue d'une recomposition géostratégique et économique globale. Les évolutions constatées sur le continent africain dans le domaine politique et économique, en rencontrant la volonté de l'administration Clinton, permirent à une politique de rapprochement de voir le jour. Celle-ci fut basée sur l'objectif principal du développement des relations économiques et commerciales entre les deux espaces. Cet objectif fut conditionné par la recherche de nouveaux débouchés pour les productions américaines, et fut relié dans la rhétorique américaine aux opportunités de développement qu'il offrait aux pays africains. La politique américaine de partenariat avec la région se développa autour de cet axe. Divers domaines d'actions vinrent élargir le champ de cette politique, articulant les opportunités et les nécessités américaines avec les perspectives de développement, de réforme et de pacification du continent.La gouvernance de la politique africaine de l'administration Clinton donna l'image d'un processus cohérent et maîtrisé, aboutissant à l'implantation d'une politique importante aux thématiques variées, qui marqua de son empreinte l'histoire des relations américano-africaines. Cette gouvernance parvint de même à atteindre son objectif principal, qui était de faire adopter la loi sur le commerce entre les Etats-Unis et l'Afrique. Au titre de ces deux éléments, cette gouvernance fut une réussite. Afin d'atteindre cette forme d'accomplissement, la gouvernance de cette politique dut s'appliquer à de multiples niveaux et dans nombre de domaines recouvert par son processus, avec la nécessité de prendre en compte un nombre important et disparate de paramètres pour aboutir à son harmonisation d'ensemble et à sa réussite finale. Pour cela, elle s'est appliquée sous diverses formes, afin de gérer au mieux chacun des aspects entrant en ligne de compte dans le développement de son objet principal. A l'épreuve de la gouvernance, la politique africaine de l'administration Clinton a démontré la complexité qui a procédé de son édification, et le rôle essentiel de la communication dans le processus de sa gouvernance. Si certains aspects de la politique fondée ont pu démontrer leurs lacunes ou leur décalage d'avec le discours officiel, la politique africaine a néanmoins su atteindre ses objectifs, laisser une image positive de son action et mettre en place un lien pérenne entre les Etats-Unis et l'Afrique, dont elle restera l'étape initiale et historique d'édification. / For the first time in American history, an ambitious, comprehensive African policy was set up during the Clinton's presidency (1993-2001). This politic was developed and applied, according to the evolutions of the international context, and particularly on account of the globalisation's paradigm. The growing interdependency of the issues made necessary a global American policy, asking among other things the question of the American-African relations, from a global, strategic and economical point of view. The political and economical evolutions on Africa, meeting the will of the Clinton's administration, gave to an African policy chances to can be done. The objective of this politic was first and foremost to strengthen economics and trades relations between the two areas. It was motivated by the search of new outlets for American products and investments, and linked to development opportunities this way gave to the African countries. The American partnership with Africa was developed around this thematic axis. Afterwards, others initiatives extended the area of this policy, articulating the US opportunities and necessities with the continent's perspectives of development, reform and pacification.The governance of the Clinton administration's African policy gave it the appearances of a coherent and controlled process, leading to the implement of an important, varied-topics policy, which marked the American-African relations history. This governance also succeeded to reach his leading goal, which was the proclamation of an American-African trade bill. According to these two elements, this governance was a success. In order to get this fulfil, the governance of this African policy had to be applied to many levels and areas which were parts of his process, with the necessity to take care about many and different parameters to carry out his harmonisation and to success. For that, the governance was applied on many ways, in order to manage for the best the characteristics they took part in his construction. Putting to the test by his governance, the Clinton's administration African policy has showed the complexity of his building, and the essential function of the institutional communication in the governance process. If some aspects of this policy could showed their gap or their discrepancy with the US official speak, the African policy has nevertheless reached his objectives, set up a positive impress of his action, and implemented the ties between the United States and the Africa they has been continuing to be growth, making this policy the first and historical step of building to topical, and probably future, American-African relations.

The aim of this study is to investigate and analyse the military involvement of the USA in the security of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) during the era of the Clinton administration (1993-2001). The study is based on the assumption that the US did not have that much interest in the security of SSA during the Clinton era and that it did not want to become militarily involved in SSA. Its position as the only remaining superpower in the post-Cold War era, however placed a responsibility on the US to be militarily involved in the creation of a more secure SSA. The study relies on two theoretical constructs. On the one hand the changing nature of security in the post-Cold War world in general, but specifically in SSA, serves as a theoretical starting point. This is, on the other hand, supported by a theoretical focus on the nature of military involvement globally, but also specifically in SSA in the era after the Cold War. The latter is to a large extent related to the changing nature of military force and the use thereof in the post-Cold War era. The military involvement of the US in the management of the security of SSA during the Clinton era is analysed against the background of the US interests, policy, and strategy – specifically its security strategy – in SSA. The reality of the absence of concrete US interests in SSA is highlighted. This lack of interest led to a situation whereby SSA could not be a priority in US foreign policy. The US policy objectives in SSA were nevertheless aimed at the promotion of democracy, the improvement of the security situation and the support of economic progress. The reluctance of the US to deploy military forces in SSA underpins its security strategy and military involvement in SSA. The security strategy of the US was in essence preventive in nature since it aimed at preventing the manifestation of threats from SSA against the US by promoting the stability of SSA. However, the US was still militarily involved in SSA in a variety of ways, from the provision of military training and the conduct of military exercises to military operations. Military involvement centred around the empowerment of armed forces in SSA. It was argued that the capacity of the armed forces of SSA should be developed to support democratic governance and economic progress. The capacity building programmes of the US armed forces in SSA concentrated on defence reform, military professionalism, the creation of indigenous conflict resolution and peace support capabilities, the provision of equipment, and the improvement of health and environmental conditions. / Dissertation (MA (Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Political Sciences / unrestricted