This thesis aims to examine both continuity and change in Egyptian foreign policy between 1970 and 1981. The overarching question of this work is: Why and how did President Sadat affect changes in foreign policy? More specifically, the thesis examines the evolution of Egyptian foreign policy in three concentric circles: the Superpowers, the Arab world, and Israel. The broader aim of the thesis is to provide a detailed study of Egyptian foreign policy in this period, which witnessed a multitude of watershed events. The topic is important because Egypt is a leading state in the Arab world, a core actor in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a strategic ally of the superpowers during the Cold War. The thesis offers a detailed chronological account of Egyptian foreign policy during the 1970s. It advances a revisionist interpretation of the early Sadat years, arguing that there was much greater continuity with the foreign policy of Gamal Abdel-Nasser than is commonly believed. The account ends in 1981, with the assassination of Anwar Sadat and the succession of Hosni Mubarak. It is argued that Sadat not only managed to reverse Nasser’s radical path in foreign policy, but that he also succeeded in institutionalising his most significant policy changes: peace with Israel and the removal of Egypt from the Arab-Israeli conflict. The methodology of the thesis is principally empirical and qualitative in nature. The thesis is based on extensive archival research, recently declassified official documents, memoirs of policymakers in English and Arabic, and oral histories in the form of interviews and transcripts of discussions with former Egyptian policymakers.

The work deals with the history of the Olympic Games, which were held in Moscow in 1980 and four years later in Los Angeles. These two major sporting events have been very affected by the political situation. The Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan in the end of 1979 led to the boycott of the Olympic Games from the US and a number of other States. I t was the largest boycott of the history of the games.Also indirectly led to the boycott of the games in Los Angeles, the Soviet Union and its satellites four years later. It is therefore both Olympics history analyzed in political context internationally. In this respect are the most important relations between the Soviet Union and the United States, mentioned are the other important events of international politics in the 1970s. years, including the Soviet-Afghan relations. In the case of two Olympiads are mentioned important facts concerning the Organization of the games facilities, sports venues, results and more. Mention also the impact of the boycott to cast individual and team competitions both Olympics. Part of the work is devoted to the Czechoslovak looking at the whole issue. The history of the Olympics, both the international situation and the way they were presented and accepted at the time in Czechoslovakia are the result of a...

Cette étude des politiques musicales en Allemagne de 1933 à 1949 offre une analyse historique et musicologique des liens inévitables qu’entretinrent musique et politique au gré des événements historiques et sous des systèmes divers et antagonistes : nazisme, communisme,démocraties. Le point de départ de notre réflexion est l’étude du nazisme. Revendiquant une« révolution » par le renversement de la République de Weimar emblématique de ce qu’ Adolf Hitler nomme déjà une « dégénérescence » croissante dans le domaine artistique, il s’est nourri du terreau nationaliste et pangermaniste présent en Allemagne depuis le XIXe siècle pour professer l’idéologie obsessionnelle et excluante de la « pureté de sang » comme élément de définition de la germanité. De ces fondements découle l’organisation de notre travail, qui s’intéresse aux politiques musicales mises en oeuvre depuis la naissance du IIIe Reich jusqu’à la constitution de deux Allemagnes, au regard de trois axes conducteurs. Celui de la pureté tout d’abord, déclinée en réaction contre des définitions très diverses de l’impur ou de l’indésirable selon les régimes politiques et les périodes étudiées ; l’accompagnent les questionnements concernant la recherche de pureté en musique, mais aussi de la « purification » oud’« épuration » musicale. Celui du « peuple » ensuite ; les réalités politiques, géographiques et idéologiques parfois antagonistes inhérentes à ce terme presque métonymique sous-tendent déjà la complexité des liens qu’il entretiendra avec la musique. Celui de la rupture enfin : en étudiant des régimes qui se construisent par l’opposition mutuelle, nous analysons les mises en application des velléités ou des utopies de rupture en lien avec les politiques musicales et nous nous interrogeons sur la possibilité de la rupture dans le domaine artistique lorsque celui-ci est lié au politique. / This historical and musicological study focuses on the politics of Music in Germany, from 1933to 1949. It explores the inherent relationship between music and politics, under diversified andantagonistic regimes. It starts with the Hitler years and the study of Nazism. Professing anational-socialist “revolution”, mainly by the rejection and stigmatization of the WeimarRepublic artistic accomplishments, Hitler defines the music and the new “Aryan” Man he wantsto create primarily by professing an ideology of blood “purity”. This is the concept we startfrom: the ideology of “purity” has many musical consequences throughout the century, leadingto the idea of “purification” or even musical “purge” during and after the Hitler years. We alsotake interest in the links between music and “the people”: the political and geographical contextsleading to a definition as a “racial community” or as an “occupied population” underline thecomplexity of the relationships with the political power and with music itself. Last but not least,we question the concept of “rupture” that defines each regime and its mostly utopian ambition torenew the musical creation, to fit its new political agenda.

The thesis analyzes a historical development of James Bond films in a background of the Cold War between years 1962-1989. A fictional character James Bond is a cultural phenomenon, which became an absolute world-wide symbol from the point of popular culture since the sixties in 20 century. The main part of the thesis focuses on movies with agent 007 and describes the ideological base, which we can investigate. Secondarily, Bond's past is handled. Therefore, a development of the literary figure, who moved from spy novels to the screen, is analyzed in here. Further, parts of the thesis mention social background, which was greatly influenced by Bond topic in the second half of the 20th century. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

This work offers analysis of propaganda used in Czechoslovak daily journal Rude Pravo, that focused on the topic of the Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 Olympic Games. Both Games were notably affected by Cold War related boycott. Therefore, theoretical part of this work describes major circumstances of the conflict along with socio-historical and media context of Czechoslovakia in its period of normalization. The emphasis is focused mainly on description of censorship mechanisms. The research part of this work analyses the main theme units, found in Rude Pravo and searches for their connection with available documents of censoring authorities ÚV KSČ, ČÚTI and FÚTI.

In the 1950s, scholars in Europe and the United States announced the end of political ideology in the West. With the rise of affluent welfare states, they argued, ideological movements which sought to overthrow prevailing liberal democracy would disappear. While these arguments were questioned in the 1960s, similar ideas were presented after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union. Scholars now claimed that the end of the Cold War meant the end of mankind’s “ideological development,” that globalization would undermine the left/right distinction and that politics would be shaped by cultural affiliations rather than ideological alignments. The purpose of No alternatives is to compare the end of ideology discussion of the 1950s with some of the post-Cold War theories launched at the time of, or in the years following, the fall of the Berlin Wall. Juxtaposing monographs, essays and papers between 1950 and 2000, the dissertation focuses on three aspects of these theories. First, it analyzes their concepts of history, demonstrating that they tended to portray the existing society as an order which had resolved the conflicts and antagonisms of earlier history. Second, the investigation scrutinizes the processes of post-politicization at work in these theories, showing how they sought to transcend, contain or externalize social conflict, and at times dismiss politics altogether. Third, it demonstrates how the theories can be understood as legitimizing or mobilizing narratives which aimed to defend Western liberal democracy and to rally its citizens against internal threats and external enemies. As the title of the dissertation implies, the end of ideology discussion of the 1950s and the post-Cold War theories of the 1990s sought to highlight the historical or political impossibility of any alternatives to the present society.

This Diploma thesis deals with the media coverage of the Korean war in the Rudé právo daily, in that period the official newspaper of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Its main goal is to ascertain the rate of influence of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, of rigorous censorship of the regime and Soviet Union dictatorship upon informing about events of the Korean war, which was the first conflict ever where the United Nations army, consisting of several states, was fighting together. For this purpose, by studying secondary resources I am first of all describing conditions leading to the war and determining the most important events of the war, including for instance landing of the United Nations forces in Incheon, China involvement or distinct phases of armistice negotiations. The crucial part of this thesis is the portrayal of these events in the newspaper, including monitoring of tens of issues between late May 1950 and early October 1950. Regarding the facts ascertained by that time I am switching to five days cycles of newspaper monitoring, which has by the end proven to be absolutely sufficient for creating a comprehensive image.

Student Number : 0420292V - MA research report - School of International Relations - Faculty of Humanities / The transformation of the political economy after the Cold War, and particularly the introduction of the knowledge economy and the successful liberation of a group of developing countries, has made a considerable impact on the trading patterns in the global economy. It has also revolutionised the processes of manufacturing, production and consumption. These economic changes have had significant consequences for the countries of the developing world, making the possibility of coalition-building between the countries of the Southern core more feasible, and in this way bringing about fundamental alterations in the political economy of the international system. However, the economic co-operation that takes place in the South is uneven and advances the interests of semi-peripheral states such as India, South Africa and Brazil, giving rise to new patterns of collaboration.

A presente dissertação analisa dois filmes norte-americanos produzidos e distribuídos pelo estúdio Warner Bros., ambos baseados em histórias reais, que de distintas formas representaram, seja de forma idealista ou condenatória, a União Soviética, o Comunismo e os membros do Partido Comunista dos Estados Unidos (CPUSA). O primeiro, Missão em Moscou, dirigido pelo já renomado Michael Curtiz e lançado no contexto da Segunda Guerra Mundial, apresenta evidências de ter sido feito sob a tutela tanto da agência governamental Birô do Cinema- Secretaria de Informação da Guerra quanto do presidente dos Estados Unidos à época, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Pela forma como interpretou fatos da história da Rússia e por sua campanha do país como membro dos países Aliados, o filme recebeu a denominação de pró-soviético pela literatura que o estudou. Já o segundo, Eu Fui um Comunista para o FBI, lançado apenas oito anos após Missão em Moscou, mas já no contexto da Guerra Fria, evidenciou, por outro lado, a tentativa da companhia cinematográfica em se alinhar à atmosfera de repúdio ao Comunismo reinante em boa parte da opinião pública norte-americana no período, bem como de tentar afastar as acusações do Comitê de Atividade Antiamericanas (HUAC) da presença dentro de Hollywood de elementos subversivos e de sua propaganda. Por sua representação, filmes como Eu Fui um Comunista para o FBI, recorrentes na década de 1950, foram denominados anticomunistas. O estudo aqui empreendido inicia-se com a caracterização da indústria cinematográfica em Hollywood na época de sua chamada Era Clássica (1930- 1948), primeiro capítulo; passando pelas análises fílmicas e de contexto de ambas as obras, resultando no capítulo dois e três; para encerrar-se, no último capítulo, com as considerações sobre a recepção das duas obras, levando para isso em conta as produções de significado de três agentes: os críticos cinematográficos; o seu público espectador, e os seus números de bilheteria. Por fim, nas considerações finais, colocamos em comparação a obra pró-soviética e anticomunista no tocante às suas diferenças, bem como similitudes, nas estratégias para a representação das personagens envolvidas em suas tramas. / This thesis analyses two American movies produced and distributed by Warner Bros. Studios. Both are based on true stories, that used different depictions, one in an idealized way and the other condemnatory, of the Soviet Union, of the Communism and of the members of the Communist Party of the United States. The first film, Mission to Moscow, directed by Michael Curtiz and released in the context of World War II, presents evidence that it was fostered by the governmental war agency, the Bureau of Motion Pictures Office of War Information and by the president of the United States himself at that time, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Due to its interpretation of recent facts in Russian history and because of its propagandistic campaign to generate a better understanding of this country among Americans, historians and film theorists have classified the picture as pro-Soviet. The second movie, I Was a Communist for the FBI, whose premiere occurred only eight years after Mission to Moscow, showed, on the other hand, Warner Bros. attempt to realign itself to the atmosphere of anticommunism perpetrated by the majority of American public opinion and also to deny any accusation that the motion picture industry was full of subversive elements and their propaganda. When considered for its representation and depiction of Communism, movies like I Was a Communist for the FBI, very common in the 1950s, was denominated anticommunist. We divided this work into four parts. We start in the first chapter by exploring the motion picture industry in Hollywood during what was called the Golden Age (1930 1948). Then, we move to the film analyses of both pictures, the content of chapters two and three; in chapter four we study the reception of the two feature films, using as elements of measure the productions of meaning of three different agents: the critics, the spectator and the box-office numbers. Finally, in Conclusions, we compare Mission to Moscow and I Was a Communist for the FBI, aiming to observe them in the light of their differences but also of their similarities in the strategies used for the representation of the characters in the stories.

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar as discussões sobre a identidade ibero-americana realizadas por intelectuais nas revistas Cuadernos Americanos (CA) e Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos (CH) no período de 1942 a 1955. Também faz parte deste trabalho o estudo das análises propostas por esses intelectuais sobre as relações entre Ibero-América, Estados Unidos e Espanha nos contextos da II Guerra Mundial e da Guerra Fria. Embora se interessassem pelo mesmo foco (a Ibero-América), ambas as publicações tiveram origens e propostas distintas: as duas atuaram em campos ideológicos opostos e se constituíram como armas de luta política. CA foi gestada por um grupo de intelectuais mexicanos e exilados espanhóis que se identificavam com o republicanismo, e, portanto, eram opositores ferrenhos do franquismo; CH surgiu posteriormente, com vistas a ampliar as bases de apoio do regime franquista no Continente latino-americano, já que a Espanha estava isolada desde o final da Segunda Guerra em virtude de sua anterior identificação com a ideologia nazi-fascista e com um governo autoritário e simpático ao Eixo. / This thesis presents an analysis of the debates around Iberian-American identity accomplished by intellectuals in the magazines Cuadernos Americanos (CA) and Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos (CH), in the years 1942 to 1955. This works also examines the analysis proposed by these intellectuals about the relationship between Iberian-American, United States and Spain during World War II and the Cold War. Although the magazines had the same focus in Iberian-America, they had distinct origins and proposals: both served as political instrument in opposite ideological terrains. CA was created by a group of intellectuals (Mexicans and Spanish in exile) in a hard opposition to Franquismo; CH appeared later aiming to enlarge the Latin-American support of Francos regime, as this was isolated since the end of WWII due to Francos authoritarianism and Nazi-Fascist alignment.