The 2011 Vancouver Stanley Cup riot (VSCR)—one of the most significant sports-related public disorder events to occur in Vancouver in recent decades—was the first sporting riot in North America that was characterised by the use of social media (McCann, 2011). Given this significant influence, this research uses qualitative content analysis to explore how persons posting on Facebook pages dedicated to the VSCR in the six months following constructed the meaning of the event and its participants. Using the insights of social identity theory, the findings suggest that online discussions of this event centred on an understanding of communities and community membership which was reflected in individuals’ attempts to reassert specific community identities as “law abiding” and “peaceful”, primarily accomplished through the identification, othering, and derogation of riot participants. The findings further suggest that the VSCR was constructed as damaging to the reputations of particular communities and their members resulting in the need for community repair, while its participants were constructed as deviant and threatening “others” who were deserving of punishment, vengeful conduct, and strict police treatment.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka huliganism som ett socialt fenomen, där det ingått att undersöka vilken mening det kollektiva våldet inom huliganismen fyller för individerna, på vilket sätt huligankulturen är organiserad, samt vad som karaktäriserar den typiske huliganen. Studiens empiri bygger på kvalitativa intervjuer med två aktiva huliganer och två före detta huliganer. Förutom intervjuer har även inspiration från Swedbergs (2016) definition av teoretisering använts som metod i denna studie. Studiens teoretiska referensram utgörs framförallt av Ahrne och Brunssons (2011) teori om partiell organisering och Littman och Palucks (2015) teoretiska förståelse för varför individer väljer att bruka våld på uppdrag av en grupp. Som ett teoretiskt verktyg i analysen har även Simmels (se Korllos, 1994) teori om sociala typer använts. Resultatet visade att våldet fyller en känsla av gemenskap, men kan även användas som ett sätt bevisa sig inför andra huliganer. Inom huliganismen kunde de organisatoriska elementen medlemskap, hierarki, regler och sanktioner hittas. I resultatet framkom även att den typiske huliganen är lojal mot andra huliganer, han kan socialisera sig med andra medlemmar av gruppen, han har en vilja att slåss, och våldet medför att han ljuger för personer utanför huligankulturen.

No Chile, país de terremotos, a surpresa foi total quando multitudinários saques a estabelecimentos comerciais começaram logo depois do megassismo que atingiu, na madrugada de sábado 27 de fevereiro de 2010, Concepción, a terceira maior área metropolitana do país. Organizaram-se nos bairros estratégias de autodefesa por temor aos rumores sobre a chegada de saqueadores. Para se restabelecer a ordem social, foi decretado Estado de Exceção. Este estudo exploratório e qualitativo busca enxergar a relação entre terremoto, violência coletiva e insegurança urbana com base nos depoimentos de homens e mulheres que entrevistamos em Concepción dois anos depois do cataclismo. Inspirados no debate teórico sobre a memória coletiva, analisaremos os silêncios e olvidos que fazem parte dos testemunhos; assim, iremos interrogar o caráter inédito que os entrevistados, mas também acadêmicos e autoridades, outorgaram aos saques pós-terremoto, que, como iremos ver, foram interpretados como sintoma do deterioramento moral da sociedade chilena sob o regime neoliberal. Por intermédio de diferentes registros do passado, buscaremos rastros sobre conflitos sociais e políticos em outros momentos da história telúrica nacional. Sobre os episódios de 2010 em específico, e seguindo os trabalhos de Charles Tilly e Javier Auyero, apresentamos numa escala microespacial alvos, dinâmicas e repertórios dos saques conforme as rememorações dos consultados, entre eles, donos de lojas vitimizados pela multidão. Por fim, para indagar o deslocamento do medo do terremoto ao medo dos outros, chamaremos a atenção sobre os modos pelos quais são representados diferentes bairros da cidade e o papel dos rumores. / Chileans, a population used to earthquakes, woke up with surprise in the morning of February 27th, 2010 since right after the earthquake that hit Concepción, the third largest metropolitan area in the country, massive looting to stores came about. Fed by rumors about roving mobs, Concepcion residents formed their own neighborhood defense squads to guard their homes, whereas the Chilean government declared State of Exception to restore the social order. Drawing on testimonies of men and women I interviewed in Concepción two years after the disaster, this exploratory and qualitative research examines the relationship between earthquake, collective violence, and urban insecurity. Following a theoretical discussion about collective memories, I explore how silence and forgetting are active elements in the process of collective remembering. In addition, this project analyzes the sense of exceptionality that my interviewees, other scholars, and state authorities have assigned to looting in the aftermath of the earthquake; events that, as I shall demonstrate, were interpreted as a symptom of moral decadence of Chilean society under the neoliberal regime. By scrutinizing historical data about past earthquakes, I look at traces of social and political conflicts associated with the occurrence of natural disaster like the one I describe here. Concerning the 2010 facts, I make use of the framework offered by Charles Tilly and Javier Auyero to present, at a micro-scale level, looting targets, dynamics and repertoires based on narratives collected empirically (among them, testimonies of storeowners who were victimized by the crowd). Finally, to explore the displacement of fearin particular, from the fear to earthquake to the fear of the othersI point out the need to pay attention to the ways in which different neighborhoods are conceived of as well as the role of rumors.

No Chile, país de terremotos, a surpresa foi total quando multitudinários saques a estabelecimentos comerciais começaram logo depois do megassismo que atingiu, na madrugada de sábado 27 de fevereiro de 2010, Concepción, a terceira maior área metropolitana do país. Organizaram-se nos bairros estratégias de autodefesa por temor aos rumores sobre a chegada de saqueadores. Para se restabelecer a ordem social, foi decretado Estado de Exceção. Este estudo exploratório e qualitativo busca enxergar a relação entre terremoto, violência coletiva e insegurança urbana com base nos depoimentos de homens e mulheres que entrevistamos em Concepción dois anos depois do cataclismo. Inspirados no debate teórico sobre a memória coletiva, analisaremos os silêncios e olvidos que fazem parte dos testemunhos; assim, iremos interrogar o caráter inédito que os entrevistados, mas também acadêmicos e autoridades, outorgaram aos saques pós-terremoto, que, como iremos ver, foram interpretados como sintoma do deterioramento moral da sociedade chilena sob o regime neoliberal. Por intermédio de diferentes registros do passado, buscaremos rastros sobre conflitos sociais e políticos em outros momentos da história telúrica nacional. Sobre os episódios de 2010 em específico, e seguindo os trabalhos de Charles Tilly e Javier Auyero, apresentamos numa escala microespacial alvos, dinâmicas e repertórios dos saques conforme as rememorações dos consultados, entre eles, donos de lojas vitimizados pela multidão. Por fim, para indagar o deslocamento do medo do terremoto ao medo dos outros, chamaremos a atenção sobre os modos pelos quais são representados diferentes bairros da cidade e o papel dos rumores. / Chileans, a population used to earthquakes, woke up with surprise in the morning of February 27th, 2010 since right after the earthquake that hit Concepción, the third largest metropolitan area in the country, massive looting to stores came about. Fed by rumors about roving mobs, Concepcion residents formed their own neighborhood defense squads to guard their homes, whereas the Chilean government declared State of Exception to restore the social order. Drawing on testimonies of men and women I interviewed in Concepción two years after the disaster, this exploratory and qualitative research examines the relationship between earthquake, collective violence, and urban insecurity. Following a theoretical discussion about collective memories, I explore how silence and forgetting are active elements in the process of collective remembering. In addition, this project analyzes the sense of exceptionality that my interviewees, other scholars, and state authorities have assigned to looting in the aftermath of the earthquake; events that, as I shall demonstrate, were interpreted as a symptom of moral decadence of Chilean society under the neoliberal regime. By scrutinizing historical data about past earthquakes, I look at traces of social and political conflicts associated with the occurrence of natural disaster like the one I describe here. Concerning the 2010 facts, I make use of the framework offered by Charles Tilly and Javier Auyero to present, at a micro-scale level, looting targets, dynamics and repertoires based on narratives collected empirically (among them, testimonies of storeowners who were victimized by the crowd). Finally, to explore the displacement of fearin particular, from the fear to earthquake to the fear of the othersI point out the need to pay attention to the ways in which different neighborhoods are conceived of as well as the role of rumors.

In recent years the G8 and G20 Summits have become important sites of protest and conflict. Extensive planning by police and protesters have transformed the public meaning of these yearly assemblies into large-scale events characterized by what many see as threats to public order. The summits have also provided a world-stage for the economically and racially disadvantaged as well as globalized free trade dissenters to voice their resistance and opposition. At the same time, police have been placed on the opposite side of the conflict, ordered to “control the masses.” This conflict situation can sometimes lead to collective violence, especially on behalf of the police. In attempting to explain the police collective violence witnessed at the G8/G20 protests in Toronto in June of 2010, Neil Smelser’s (1962) value-added model of collective behaviour can be employed. This model demonstrates how processes involving structural conduciveness, structural strain, the spread of a generalized belief, the mobilization of participants and finally the utilization of social control can lead to an event such as collective violence. Recent revisions to the value-added argument by Fine (1997) have shifted attention away from the functionalist assumptions of the model and toward a more social constructionist stance. Thus, for Fine, belief itself does not create action. Rather, the use of the belief by claimsmakers can lead to a call to action, through media or other outlets. Finally, Randall Collins’s (2008) theory of forward panic is useful for illustrating the finer details of precisely how police mobilize for violence. In order to analyze the police collective violence witnessed over the weekend, a combination of participant observation, semi-structured interviews and ethnographic content analysis methods were employed. The findings support that because of the placement of the G8/G20 meetings, the conflicting relationship between the police and the protesters and the construction of the protesters as troublemakers, meant to be approached with suspicion, the police were able to overcome the tense conflict situation and attack the protesters. I conclude by suggesting a community-policing model for future protest situations. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-06-30 11:36:35.115

This study examines beliefs concerning the content of history, the meaning of Second World War (WWII) and the evaluation of historical events in relation to pro-war attitudes. Participants were 1183 university students from Spain, Portugal, Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Cape Verde. Four supra-level dimensions in the representations of the past were found: History as progress and leaders-oriented, history as focused on justifying calamities, history as violence and catastrophe, and history as meaningless. The prevalent positive beliefs about history were linked with enthusiasm to fight in a future war for one’s country. / Se estudiaron las creencias sobre el contenido de la historia, el significado de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y la evaluación de eventos históricos en relación con una actitud favorable a la guerra. Los participantes fueron 1183 estudiantes universitarios de España, Portugal, Argentina, Brasil, Perú y Cabo Verde. Se encontraron cuatro grandes dimensiones en las representaciones sobre el pasado: la historia como proceso de progreso y dirigida por líderes; la historia compuesta por calamidades que se deben aceptar; la historia como violencia y catástrofes; y, la historia como carente de sentido. La prevalente visión positiva de la historia se asoció a una actitud favorable a luchar en una nueva guerra.

The vakstugor were informal and armed reunions organised by the parents of Stockholm during thewitch craze that reached the city around the year 1674. They were designed to defend the children from the witches’ assaults, and included both men and women, who could carry weapons. By comparing both the ordinary violence found in ordinary court records and the violence found in the Witchcraft Commission records, this study intends to understand the phenomenon of the vakstugor, in the light of the relationship between violence and gender. The study first reassessed women’s ordinary spectrum of violence, to understand what violence looked like during the period spanning from 1667 to 1686. It then found that the experience of the vakstugor exhibits a significant widening of this spectrum. Followingly, the thesis found that, despite the fact that women were usually excluded from collective violent organisations, such as armies, militias and the like, their participation in the vakstugor was not considered illegitimate by the authorities because of theirgender. Finally, an important underlying aim of this thesis is to draw the attention on the yet unstudied phenomenon of the vakstugor, which existed not only in Stockholm, but also in northern Sweden and Norway.

Social movement scholars have contended that considerable research on protest policing has been done, but research testing multiple theories in recent decades is lacking. To resolve this gap in the literature, this study integrates major paradigms in repression research and theories of policing styles around a dramaturgical approach to collective action, identifying factors influencing violence at social protests in the United States from 2006-2009. Conceiving of social protest as a form of political and symbolic action, I maintain that social actors and the qualities of their actions and immediate environment importantly influence a protest event's characteristics and outcomes. Specifically, I code for three violent outcomes—arrests, police violence, and any violence—and one measure of threat—police presence. I identify four components of the protest event which influence these outcomes—actors (e.g., authorities, protesters, and counterprotesters), enemies (e.g., the target of protesters' claims), the stage (e.g., qualities of place and space where a protest occurs), and protest performance (e.g., protest size and specific tactics employed by actors). Thus, this research focuses on how qualities of police, protester, and counterprotester performances intersect to influence violence at protest events. Data for this project were collected from multiple sources from 2006-2009. Information on protest events was collected by content coding of newspaper articles in the Los Angeles Times and New York Times. Information on community policing styles was derived from lists of funding for agencies participating in the U.S. Department of Justice's Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program. In some instances the results of this study show that certain characteristics leading to police presence and violence at social protests in the U.S. persist from research conducted on earlier decades—presence of African Americans or counterprotesters, protester use of "more confrontational" tactics and/or multiple tactics, and the damaging of property by protesters or counterprotesters. However, my findings also contradict previous studies, because I find that: (1) larger protests are less likely to be policed or result in violence; (2) social and cultural targets are more likely predictors of policing and violence rather than government or economic ones; and, (3) specific social movement families and tactical types influence protest event outcomes differently. I also found that community policing styles had no effect on protest event policing. These findings are important because they show how a protest event's symbolic nature influences policing and violent outcomes. / Ph. D.

By conducting sound research to understand the concepts surrounding rioting and efficient riot response tactics, professionals, especially whose main job is to ensure the tranquility in the society, will be better prepared to deal with all kinds of civil movements. The purpose of this study, consequently, is to meet the growing need for educational materials in this area and to provide riot response case studies, which demonstrate the numerous administrative challenges faced by law enforcement decision makers. In this study, seven major riots from throughout the United States are discussed including the Hay Market Riot of 1886, the Watts Riot of 1965, and Los Angeles Riots of 1992. Each riot case is studied in five different and independent stages: the setting and pre-disturbance situation, basic causes of the event, the disturbance situation, the response to the riot, and the aftermath of the incident. The study of all of these stages is intended to help police administrators acquire a general perspective on collective violence, and help them prevent future occurrences in their jurisdictions. In this thesis a special reference is given to the deficiencies of American riot policing and some recommendations were formed accordingly. Therefore, the study concludes with a list of general recommendations, which are crucially important for concerned officials to pay attention before, during, and after a riot.

À rebours de l'enseignement des historiens, selon lequel les sociétés se pacifient à mesure que leurs mœurs s'affinent, notre société contemporaine semble en proie à une violence omniprésente. Pour autant, ni le scientifique ni le profane n'est véritablement dans l'erreur, car la notion de violence revêt une dimension subjective qui la rend susceptible de variations considérables selon les époques et les communautés. Cette subjectivité dont est empreinte la notion, le droit pénal, ne s'en accommode que difficilement. Fidèle aux principes qui le fondent, et le préservent de l'arbitraire, le droit pénal se doit de définir avec clarté et précision les comportements qu'il entend réprimer. Or, pas plus que la jurisprudence, le législateur n'a pris soin de définir la notion de violence. Pourtant, celle-ci irradie le Code pénal et connaît de surcroît un emploi inflationniste au sein de l'hémicycle, comme en témoigne la répression des violences routières, conjugales, urbaines, scolaires, sportives… S'il est de son office d'encadrer les évolutions de la société, le droit pénal ne doit cependant pas en accompagner les dérives avec bienveillance. Ne serait-ce parce qu'en matière de violence, il souffrirait immanquablement de se voir reprocher celle qui, originellement, est la sienne / Contrary to historian's learning, according to societies pacify themselves as their manners are refined, contemporary society seems plagued by widespread violence. However, neither the scientist nor layman is really wrong, because the concept of violence has a subjective dimension that makes it susceptible to considerable variations across periods and communities.This subjectivity imbuing the concept, criminal law can't admit it easily. Faithful to the underlying principles, and preserve itself of the arbitrary, criminal law should define clearly and precisely the behavior it intends to punish. However, no more than the jurisprudence, the legislature took care to define the concept of violence. Even so, it radiates the Penal Code and has furthermore inflationary employment within the Parliament, as evidenced by the punishment of violence roads, domestic, urban, school, sports... If it's his office to oversee the evolution of society, the criminal law should not, however, support the drifts with kindness. If only because in terms of violence, suffering inevitably be accused of that which, originally, was hers