Purpose/Aim: To describe likenesses and differences between the personal identity of the common Kalmar nation member and the collective identity of the organization Kalmar nation as described by said members. Material/Method: Collecting data through a quantitative survey, where the members answer questions about themselves and Kalmar nation, and subsequent analysis of said data by means of theories about personal, collective, and brand identity. Main results: After analyzing the data from the survey I conclude that there exists both likenesses and differences between the organization and its members. Some likenesses are more pronounced than others, and the same can be said for the differences. However, within the three areas of study (specific identity traits, politics and music) politics and music showed more similarity between the members and the nation than the specific identity traits did. The most interesting aspect of the analysis show that the members have quite a common view of the organization despite their own widely different descriptions of themselves.

The main purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate that people¡¦s self/communities perspective plays a critical role in making democratic political institution fully function. There are many problems such as the corruption of local factions, bribery politics, ethnic conflict, and national identity dispute in Taiwan¡¦s young history of democratic system. This thesis claims that the problems lie on the difference between Western and Chinese perspectives of the relations between self and communities. The perspective of self/communities relations signifies an individual¡¦s thinking of his position in the communities, groups, or society, which he belongs to or lives in, and how he will interact with other people in different communities under different circumstances. Different culture and different historical background result in different perspectives of the relations between self and communities. In chapter Two, we first trace the history of Western political thoughts and the shaping progress of Western perspective of self/communities relations (mainly the perspective from the ¡§individualism¡¨); then, we focus on what the liberal democracy¡¦s perspective of self/communities relations. In chapter Three, we analyze the related concepts of Confucian perspective of self/communities relations, and indicate that Confucianism always teaches people that an individual must benefit the community and be loyal to the superiors. This perspective of self/communities relations supports the imperial institution. But in the last period of Ching Dynasty, some Chinese intellectuals introduced the western democratic thought to the Mainland China, and at last overthrew the imperial institution and intended to build a democratic government. However, these intellectuals and political elites did not realize that the Confucian perspective of self/communities relations has made the practices of Western liberal democracy difficult in both China and Taiwan. Chapter Four indicates that even KMT government moved to Taiwan, and there were still many intellectuals and political elites anticipating the government to build a political institution, but they still did not focus on the difference between Taiwanese perspectives of self/communities relations and Western individualism. So in chapter Five, we indicate that the problems of Taiwan¡¦s democracy were resulted from the ordinary Taiwanese perspective of self/communities relations. Such perspective emphasizes the interpersonal affections (ren-qing), relationship network (guan-xi), and the division between others and us. This research indicates that the perspective of self/communities relations is very important in studying different political culture and its political institution.

This thesis aims to describe and analyze the historical images of European identity and the contemporary initiatives of the European Union to promote it. By analyzing the common cultural elements that European identity consists of, namely Ancient Greece, Roman Empire, Christianity, Renaissance, Reformations, Enlightenment, French Revolution, and Modernity in terms of the images of European identity, the limits of these common cultural elements and how much they have contributed to the creation of a European identity will be presented. And by examining the contemporary initiatives of European Union to promote European Identity such as creating a European flag, anthem, passport, constitution, this thesis aims to explore and present the prospects for a common European Identity. In this regard, it is the main argument of the thesis that European identity is a limited form of a collective identity, among the multiple identities that a person has.

This thesis aims to show how the secondary teacher in New Zealand was constituted in discourse through an examination of two major recontextualisations of education, the changes resulting from the Thomas Report (1944), and the Picot Report (1988), and of the collective identity of secondary teachers. Both reports redirected government education policy and regulation and had fundamental implications for teachers' work and the role they were expected to play in education. Secondary teachers resisted both reforms, and in doing so they revealed elements of their conservative, pragmatic and defensive collective identity, which changed in only one significant respect in the time period considered in this study. It took twenty years before the central tenets of the Thomas Report were even close to being universally accepted. Even then, the child-centred philosophy and practice propounded by the Thomas Report, supported by the Currie Report in 1962 and supervised by the gentle discipline of the Department of Education, was likely to have been more honoured in the breach than in the observance by many New Zealand secondary school teachers. In more recent times, the 'neo-liberal', market-driven view of education and teachers, as expressed in the reforms which followed the Picot Report, were stoutly resisted despite the much more rigorous disciplinary techniques employed by the Ministry of Education. This thesis will show that the dominant discourses which constituted the secondary teacher were those of the collective identity of secondary teachers and that these effectively frustrated attempts to impose change on New Zealand secondary teachers and on secondary education.

Au nombre des éléments de la vie sociale, le nom est un des plus universels. En effet, il est à la base de toute communication, dans la mesure où il permet de désigner un tiers. Cependant, le nom n'est pas neutre: il porte du sens et il permet souvent d'identifier les groupes auxquels un individu se rattache. L'étude des noms permet de comprendre une des multiples manières qu'ont les acteurs de s'inscrire dans le champ social. Le nom est une marque d'appartenance, consciente ou non, assumée ou non par son porteur. Sa dation, sa circulation, sa mémoire sont autant d'éléments qui peuvent nous renseigner sur le fonctionnement de la société. Comme outil linguistique et objet de la parole collective, mais aussi grâce à son contenu sémantique et à des phénomènes d'écho entre homonymes, le nom contribue à définir l'individu, mais aussi à l'ancrer dans le champ social. Grâce à la plupart des sources anglo-saxonnes des Xe-XIe siècles, nous menons à bien une étude complète de l'usage et des représentations du nom. Le nom peut en effet avoir des significations variables; il peut même recouvrir des identités contradictoires. Notre but, à ce titre, est de saisir tous ces niveaux de signification et d'articuler ces différentes identités. En constituant des corpus de noms et en les replaçant dans des groupes de parenté, dans des familles culturelles et dans d'autres types de communautés, nous montrons l'importance du nom pour signifier l'identité des hommes, tantôt en les distinguant les uns des autres (identité individuelle), tantôt en les inscrivant dans un ensemble d'identités collectives (notamment la parenté). / Among the elements of social life, the name is one of the most universal. Indeed, it is at the root of all communication, insofar as it allows you to designate a third party. However, the name is not neutral : it carries meanings and it often makes possible to identify the groups to which an individual belongs. The study of names thus allows you to understand how the actors are part of the social field. The name is a sign of affiliation, conscious or not, assumed or not, by the holder. Its giving, its circulation and its memory are all elements that can inform us about how societies do work. As a linguistic tool and as an object of the collective speech, but also through its semantic content and through the echoes it creates between homonyms, the name contributes to defining the individual, but also rooted him in the social field. Thanks to most of the late Anglo-Saxon sources, we carry out a comprehensive study about the naming practices and the representations of naming. The name may indeed have varying meanings and may even cover conflicting identities. Our aim, as such, is to capture ail of these levels of meanings and articulate these different identities. By setting up corpora of names and by replacing them in kinship groups, in cultural families and in other types of communities, we show the importance of the name to signify the identity of men, sometimes by distinguishing them from one another (individual identity), sometimes by placing them in a set of collective identities (mostly relatives).

This study analyzes the framing processes of the Indignados movement in Barcelona, as an exemplar of the latest wave of protests, and argues that it expresses a new ecological-economic way out of the crisis. It finds that the movement was not just a reaction to the economic crisis and austerity policies, but that it put forward a metapolitical critique of the social imaginary and (neo)liberal representative democracy. The diagnostic frames of the movement denunciate the subjugation of politics and justice to economics, and reject the logic of economism. The prognostic frames of the movement advance a vision of socio-ecological sustainability and of "real democracy", each articulated differently by a "pragmatist" and an "autonomist" faction within the movement. It argues that frames are overarching outer boundaries that accommodate different ideologies. Ideologies can nevertheless also be put into question by antagonizing frames. Furthermore, through the lens of the Indignados critique, the distinction between materialist and post-materialist values that characterizes the New Social Movement literature is criticised, as "real democracy" is connected to social and environmental justice as well as to a critique of economism and the "imperial mode of living".

This article sets out to examine how different types of nationalism are correlated with the level of democracy in a country, a relationship that has not received much attention in previous research. I aim to investigate this relationship by examining how five forms of nationalism affect democracy in 23 European countries. Individual-level data about nationalism come from ISSP (2013). I use latent class analysis (LCA), an exploratory method, to reveal the different types of nationalism that exist in Europe.  Then I investigate these nationalisms’ relationship to democracy. The dependent variable is an index of democracy developed by the Economist Intelligence Unit (2016). Results indicate a significant and strong association between nationalism and democracy. Ethnic nationalism is negatively correlated with levels of democracy, while civic nationalism is positively associated with democracy.

Submitted by Rafael Santana (rafael.silvasantana@ufpe.br) on 2017-04-18T18:55:07Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação-Coworking Articulando Significados Culturais do Trabalho no Engajamento de Indivíduos para a Ação Coletiva_Ra~1.pdf: 2398036 bytes, checksum: d004c8a2811fb69497213d480fcfcc54 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-18T18:55:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação-Coworking Articulando Significados Culturais do Trabalho no Engajamento de Indivíduos para a Ação Coletiva_Ra~1.pdf: 2398036 bytes, checksum: d004c8a2811fb69497213d480fcfcc54 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-31 / CAPES. CNPQ / O complexo cenário social contemporâneo tem provocado diversas mudanças tanto no caráter do trabalho quanto na sua organização. Nesse contexto, o coworking, espaço de trabalho compartilhado, parece antever essas transformações, propondo um novo modelo de trabalho orientado às demandas contemporâneas. Diante disso, o presente estudo assume os espaços de coworking como campo investigativo e adota o Impact Hub São Paulo como exemplo empírico para compreender como ocorre o processo de construção identitária dessa coletividade. Para tanto, assumimos a perspectiva teórico-metodológica proposta pelo Circuito da Cultura, por compreender a dimensão cultural como central à vida contemporânea. Tendo em vista acessar o campo das subjetividades do processo de identificação coletiva do coworker do Impact Hub São Paulo, projetamos, a partir de materiais coletados por meio de entrevistas individuais e observações assistemáticas, um corpus linguístico capaz de maximizar as variedades de sentidos em torno do referido coworking. A análise dos dados foi realizada por meio da Análise de Discurso (GILL, 2002), que nos permitiu acessar os sentidos que sustentam os discursos nos diferentes momentos do circuito. Os resultados apontam para um construto identitário ordenado por uma filosofia comunitária resultante de uma gestão que ocorre por meio da ideologia, articulando sentidos e hegemonizando discursos em torno de uma produção colaborativa capaz de conferir prazer e gerar sentido para quem realiza o trabalho, suscitando o consumo de um tipo de trabalho flexível, causa e consequência de uma identidade coletiva auto reguladora, marcada pela ideia de empreendedor de impacto sustentável que busca no coworking a representação de trabalho formal. / The complex contemporary social scenario has caused many changes in both the nature of labor and in its organization. In this context, coworking, or shared workspace, seems to foresee these changes, proposing a new work model oriented to contemporary demands. Therefore, this study assumes the coworking spaces as an investigative field and adopts Impact Hub São Paulo as an empirical example to understand the identity construction process of this group. Thereby, we take on the theoretical and methodological approach proposed by the Culture Circuit, by understanding the cultural dimension as central to contemporary life. In order to access the variety of subjectivities of Impact Hub São Paulo coworker’s collective identification process, a linguistic corpus able to maximize the variety of meanings around the said coworking was designed from materials collected through individual interviews and unsystematic observations. Data analysis was realized by Discourse’s Analysis (GILL, 2002), that allowed us access to the ways to support the discourse at different moments of the circuit. The results refer to an identity construct ordered by a Community philosophy resulting from a management that occurs through ideology, articulating senses and establishing hegemonic discourses around a collaborative production, capable of giving pleasure and create meaning for those who perform the work, raising consumption of a type of flexible working, cause and consequence of a selfregulatory collective identity, marked by the idea of sustainable impact enterprising, that seeks the coworking formal labor representation.

Orientador: Salvador Antonio Mireles Sandoval / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T08:32:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Goncalves_FernandoCesar_M.pdf: 21588400 bytes, checksum: 4371170ea56cb1d46274a2dd80f44246 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: A presente dissertação de mestrado historiografa e analisa o movimento social contrário à instalação da Unidade Geradora de Energia Termelétrica Carioba II no município de Americana, estado de São Paulo, movimento este ocorrido no período correspondente ao Licenciamento Ambiental do empreendimento, que foi de 2000 a 2002. Através da realização de 42 entrevistas com lideranças do movimento em estudo, de levantamento de fontes documentais e de artigos e demais publicações veiculadas na imprensa, busca-se aprofundar o olhar nas características principais do fenômeno social estudado, em especial nas três cidades em que se manifestou com maior força, a saber: Americana, Santa Bárbara d¿Oeste e Piracicaba. Utilizam-se, principalmente, os ensinamentos de Alberto Melucci e Manuel Castells para o entendimento da nossa sociedade pós-industrial, dos movimentos sociais e da participação popular, aplicando estes ensinamentos ao movimento social contrário à Carioba II. Associam-se os efeitos da modernidade aos indivíduos, modificando as suas rotinas e a percepção de tempo e espaço, acentuando a individualização e a necessidade de se manter as citadas rotinas, entre outras conseqüências, enquanto obstáculos a sua adesão ao movimento social, adesão esta também influenciada pelos seus conhecimentos, experiências, crenças, redes sociais de que participa, entre outros fatores. Enfatiza-se o caráter plural, poli-classista e fragmentário, decorrente da resistência das comunidades locais, baseadas em sua identidade coletiva e nas tendências econômicas globalizantes, características essas oriundas e somente possíveis em sociedades complexas, pós-industriais e em rede. Abordam-se também a apropriação, a produção do conhecimento, pelos atores sociais pertencentes ao movimento, e a sua distribuição, utilizando inclusive as modernas tecnologias para a comunicação direta entre as lideranças do movimento e desta para com as suas bases / Abstract: The present master¿s dissertação analyzes the social movement against the installation of the Termo-Electric PlantEnergy of Carioba II in the city of Americana, state of São Paulo. The movement occurred in period during the Environmental Licensing of the plant between 2000 and 2002. Through the 42 interviews with leaders of the movement , a survey of documentary sources and articles and many publications in the local press, the study seeks to understand the main characteristics of the movement studied as it emerges in the three cities to be affected by the plant and where one finds the strength of the movement: Americana, Santa Bárbara d'Oeste and Piracicaba. We rely on the works of Alberto Melucci and Manuel Castells for theoretical support on the study of the social movement and the popular participation it mobilized in the case of the opposition to the Carioba II plant. We associate the effects of modernization through the Plant on the individuals, modifying their routines and perception of time and space, accenting the individualization and the necessity of if keeping their routines as excellent elements for their joining the social movement, also influenced by their knowledge, experiences, beliefs, social networks where theyt participated, among others factors. The emphasizes the plural, polyclass aspect of the movement and its fragmentary character, which emerges during the resistance of the local communities, as expressed in the collective identity with respect to the globalizing economic trends exemplified by the Plant. It also exams the appropriation and production of information for recruiting and securing social actors to the movement and its distribution of this information using concomitantly the modern technologies based on computer communication and the direct communication between the leadership of the movement and its base supporter / Mestrado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Mestre em Educação

In September 2015, the leaders of the world agreed to head on a journey towards a socially, environmentally and economically sustainable future at 2030 by the adoption of the 2030 Agenda containing 17 Sustainable Development Goals. Sweden pledged to be the global leader in this transition. This study explores how Sweden constructs this leadership narratively and in which manner it is legitimized, using concepts borrowed from Pierre Bourdieu as an added dimension to the narrative analysis. The result is that the main narrative of Sweden’s identity in this context is one of being an experienced role-model. The most salient characteristics underpinning this main narrative are being ambitious, a moral power, economically rational, and knowledgeable. Its legitimacy is argued to rest on knowledge, social and good-will capital. Tensions are found between the logic of the field from the Swedish perspective and what is aimed for in the 2030 Agenda in terms of competing in contrast to collaborating, promoting one model of development in contrast to national ownership and assuming market logic versus a logic where sustainability in all three pillars is the superordinate goal.