This thesis seeks to understand how collective identity is formed in the comment section on Twitter. A comparison between the Nordic Resistance Movement (Nordiska Motståndsrörelsen) and Human Rights Campaign has been made with social antagonism as a starting point. The Nordic Resistance Movement is a Swedish organization with Nazi values and Human Rights Campaign is an American organization fighting for equal rights for LGBTQ-people. social antagonism states that collective identity is created when an antagonistic relationship exists. The thesis aims to answer the research question; how are collective identities, for the Nordic Resistance Movement and Human Rights Campaign, created in the comment section on Twitter? This question is answered using Social antagonism theory and Social Movement Theory as a theoretical framework. 1000 comments from each groups comment section has been collected and analysed with thematic content analysis. The study showed that collective identity is strengthened by the fact that there is an antagonistic relationship. We found that the collective identity of each group fought back whenever someone made a negative comment towards their beliefs. It also showed that the collective identity, of the followers and members in the comment section, doesn’t necessarily correlate with the identity of the organization. This study will help further the research on collective identity and how people are affected when joining a movement. It will hopefully inspire further research within social antagonism, collective identity and social movements.

Focusing on the town of Malmberget in northern Sweden, this study addresses the relationship between place, identity formation and social transformation among mining communities. Due to an expanding mining area, the town is being gradually demolished and remaining inhabitants will eventually have to be relocated. Concurrently, urban expansion plans are underway in the neighboring town of Gällivare. The aim of the study is to examine whether and how collective forms of identity are constructed in relation to Malmberget as place. What are the main values underlying such collective identity and are they being taken into considerations in the expansion plans? The study also examines if and how any attempts to preservation have been made in response to the demolition and redevelopment. The study is primarily based on interviews with inhabitants of Malmberget. It also draws on qualitative content analysis of documents on the expansions plans. As the study focuses on notions of place and collective identity, in its theoretical framework Lefebvre’s spatial triad is combined with a phenomenological approach of place and Jenkins’ conceptualisation of collective identity.   The findings suggest that there exists a collective ‘Malmberget identity’ consisting of certain values connected to place relations and community history. Some aspects of these values have implicitly been taken into considerations in the expansion plans in Gällivare, but far from all of them. The study also shows how interviewees have enacted preservation strategies as a way to cope with the urban transformation and to protect their shared collective identity.

This thesis examines the phenomenon of Chechen population growth in the context of the protracted Russo-Chechen conflict. It argues that the conflict was the main causative reason for the growth of the Chechen population. This hypothesis was confirmed by fieldwork, which allowed for the detection of a positive correlation between the nation's demographic growth and the perception of the own physical existence as endangered. The results of fieldwork demonstrated that the majority of the informants connected high Chechen birth rates with the necessity of physical survival, restoration of losses, and strengthening the nation numerically. The threat to Chechen ethnic identity did not show as strong correlation with demographic growth as did the threat to physical existence. Nevertheless, Chechen ethnic identity, which favours resistance to a foreign rule, was confirmed to be the crucial variable in determining the demographic dynamics of the nation. This in turn suggested an additional correlation: in the context of an existential threat salient ethnic identity would prompt a population growth. The latter, in such cases, is considered as a way of continuing the resistance in a non-violent way. The restoration of the losses experienced and the survival of the nation is seen as a victory and at the same time as a preparation for the next outbreak of violence. With all of this in mind, this thesis suggests considering Chechen demographic growth as the reaction (which itself was determined by ethnic identity) to the existential threat imposed by Russia.

In response to the scarcity of biblical scholarship analysing the function of the Hebrew Bible’s exodus stories as persuasive communication, this dissertation investigates how these mnemonically dense stories were capable of creating and maintaining a long-term collective identity for ancient Israel. A narrative approach is selected in keeping with this intent, and the primary exodus story (Exod 1:1–15:21) and the 18 retold exodus stories found in the Hebrew Bible are identified as the focus of research. Since the tools used for analysing the narratives of non-fictional peoples need not be limited to those used for analysing literary fiction, a methodological tool—based on the principles of the social identity approach (SIA)—is developed and outlined to assist in exposing identity construction at a rhetorical level. Using the SIA heuristic tool, rhetorical formulations of identity—cognitive, evaluative, emotional, behavioural and temporal—like those occurring in face-to-face relationships, are identified in the exodus stories. These formulations make certain identity claims upon their hearers. A shared experience of oppression and deliverance is represented as the significant feature defining group membership in Israel. The literary portrayal of nine of the eighteen retold exodus stories in a setting just after the death of the adult exodus generation, asserts the importance of the appropriation of the story by a purportedly new generation. Likewise, exodus narratives with a literary setting in every major socio-cultural transition in Israel’s larger story portray Israel’s rehearsal of and participation in exodus as central and essential to her ongoing collective identity. Possible social identities offered to Israel include the temporal expansion of this ingroup based on the retelling and reappropriation of exodus and the “othering” of Israel based on non-compliance. Pre-exodus narratives are noted to have been shaped so as to include the patriarchs in “the people whom God brought out of Egypt.” Plurivocal retold exodus stories also reflects the recasting of narratives to fit identities so that, anachronistically, post-exodus members may also be included in “the people whom God brought out of Egypt.” This points to the revision and reuse of exodus narratives rather than to their unilinear development. Apart from any speculation on the historical motives of their producers, the identity-forming potential of exodus narratives characterized by the well-established, recognizable language of social identity is identified. The newly developed heuristic tool used in this analysis is its most significant contribution. It makes visible the nascent social identity language and concepts implicitly noted by prior scholarship, places them within the larger validating theoretical framework of the SIA and systematically identifies the specific persuasive elements and integrating qualities of exodus narratives.

This thesis examines collective identity construction within the extreme right movement Alt-Right that gained public recognition during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Despite it being an increasingly stigmatized practice to openly articulate racist ideas in contemporary society, the Alt-Right movement managed to gain a following by doing just that. As collective identity funds collective action, a discourse analysis in line with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s strand of discourse theory was conducted to understand what encourages and facilitates participation in the movement’s activities. The material consisted of articles connected to three different factions of the Alt-Right published online and the subsequent comments generated by these. The findings indicate that the collective identity constructed in the Alt-Right is white, masculine and heterosexual. This identity is constructed and reified through contrasting themselves against racialized and gendered Others. It is also reinforced by signs of intelligence, enlightenment, bravery and a sense of rebelliousness and fun linked to the collective identity. The Others are primarily constructed as the Jewish community, non-white groups, women and the LGBTQ community. The use of new information and communications technology facilitated the construction, in allowing participants to create virtual communities online where the collective identity was constructed and reified.

The study assesses Adler and Barnett's (1998) three tier framework with a specific focus on the mature phase of their framework that emphasises mutual trust and collective identity as necessary conditions for establishing a security community. Adler and Barnett's (1998) three tier framework is applied to SADC's efforts of establishing a security community in the Southern African region. The study explores the reasoning behind SADC's creation with a specific focus on regional integration and how it defines its security architecture and political rationale. By focusing on regional integration and defining SADC's security architecture and political rationale the study outlines how the organisation is making efforts of establishing a security community. This is indicated by describing how SADC has attained the nascent and ascendant phase through its various initiatives and programmes such as the RISDP, SIPO I and II and MDP which provide evidence that there is a sense of cooperation and coordination among SADC member states. The study argues that SADC has reached the nascent and ascendant phase although the regional organisation has not yet progressed to the mature phase of establishing itself as a security community. The study critiques Adler and Barnett's (1998) third phase, which stresses the importance of two necessary conditions of mutual trust and collective identity. Mutual trust and collective identity are evaluated and analysed in respect of whether or not they are relatable and recognised within SADC as a possible emerging security community. The main finding of the study is that mutual trust and collective identity are not recognised in SADC in the manner in which Adler and Barnett (1998) describe them in their three tier framework. However SADC does make efforts to strengthen mutual trust, coordinate strategies and policies to develop collective identity, rather its efforts are not sufficient to make it a security community in the manner Adler and Barnett (1998) understand it. SADC continues to uphold a strict adherence to sovereignty, and is also characterised by domestic instability, lack of common norms and interests among member states and these are major problems for the organisation to create a security community. / Mini Dissertation (M Security Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Political Sciences / M Security Studies / Unrestricted

This thesis provides a systematic comparison and analysis on violent and non-violent new religious movements. The purpose of using a meta-analysis as the methodological tool for this research project is that it offers a systematic presentation and synthesis of the characteristics and findings from academic studies that exist on each new religious movement. Of importance is that each study, from the fields of sociology, social psychology and religious studies offers differing truths about each of the NRMs as they each only examine certain characteristics. As these disciplines have a high level of theories, this project utilizes a “measure driven” approach, “in which iterative searches and new computerized search techniques are used to increase the range of publications found (and thus the range of possible analyses) and to traverse time and disciplinary boundaries” (Roelfs et al 2013: 75). This analysis pools together all existing facts to provide a larger estimate of the "unknown common truths" about each movement and provide a fuller picture of the movements and their leaders. By combining studies of new religious movements that are prone to violence with studies of new religious movements that remain peaceful, this meta-analysis will increase the sample size and the power to study effects that may lead to the answer: why do some new religious movements become violent. The general consensus among the research literature has distilled three salient aggregates associated with new religious groups that have become violent: a) each group possessed an apocalyptic worldview; b) each group maintained an organizational structure predicated on charismatic leadership and authority whereby a potent connection between the charismatic leader and devotee was forged; and c) each group established firm social boundaries demarcating the separation between the group and the wider social milieu resulting in social isolation. However, though these attributes were present in and common to all the groups that became violent, they continue to remain insufficient and fail to adequately illustrate why certain new religions become violent. The most notable cases of NRMs that have been mobilized to violence that are analyzed include: the Peoples' Temple, The Order of the Solar Temple, Aum Shinrikyo, the Movement for the Restoration of the Ten Commandments, the Branch Davidians, Rajneeshpuaram, The Church of the Lamb of God, Heaven's Gate and Scientology. These religious movements are compared and analyzed in relation to groups that have not become violent: the early Unification Church, Sikh Dharma/3HO, Chen Tao, Church Universal and Triumphant (CUT), and Concerned Christians. By analyzing fourteen individual movements that demonstrate the three central aggregates found specifically in violent movements, hopefully this meta-analysis has overcome the problem of small sample sizes, in order to better detect internal and external effects that can explain why some NRMs become violent.

Triggered by globalisation and the increasing media convergence enabled by digital communication technologies, fansubbing has become one of the most observable aspects of Chinese participatory culture, both domestically and internationally. Informed by concepts drawn from the science of complexity and drawing on social self-organisation theory (Fuchs 2002), this study adopts a systems perspective and the method of netnography (Kozinets 2010) to bring to light the dynamics of collective identity formation in The Last Fantasy (TLF) fansubbing group, one of the most influential fansubbing networks in China. In particular, this study aims to reveal how TLF’s fansubbers deploy digital technologies to facilitate their daily subtitling activities, build and maintain their relationships, and express a collective voice in relation to the specific media context in China. Findings from this study are used to evaluate the role played by amateur translation, as exemplified by fansubbing activities carried out by TLF’s fansubbers, in China’s participatory culture. It is hoped that this study will enrich our understanding of the phenomenon of amateur translation in an increasingly networked society.

During interviews with self-identified feminists (n=27), respondents express discomfort when their abortion experiences fail to match perceived expectations from the pro-choice movement. They describe a “feminist abortion experience” as eliciting a sense of relief, empowerment, and detachment. An “anti-feminist abortion,” on the other hand, involves sadness, ambivalence, and a high attachment to the pregnancy. Respondents not only self-police this boundary but also perform emotion work to change an undesirable emotional state. First, I ask how pro-choice norms and constructed and perpetuated? I find that people learn what is expected of them from the contents of pro-choice discourse and learn about undesirable emotions from their absence in pro-choice discourse. Second, I ask how feminists manage discrepancies between these perceived expectations (how they believe they “should” feel) and their actual experiences. In particular, what motivates them to change their feeling states in the event of such a discrepancy? Extending Arlie Hochschild’s feeling rules framework (1979), I argue that because of respondents’ personal and collective identities as feminists, they feel obligated to other people in the movement to have the “right kind of abortion.” Whereas the feeling rules framework suggests that people perform emotion work to achieve an ideal feeling state, I argue that they also work to avoid stigmatized emotions. Lastly, I hypothesize that personal and collective identities might also explain emotion work in other social movement contexts. When a movement politicizes and promotes certain emotions, members will feel obligated to match these norms.

Due to the participatory nature of social media platforms, users contribute to the narratives built around online action for social change and shape the discourse on societal topics through their participation. At the same time as social media has become a space for societal activism and participation facilitating connective action of individuals, social media platforms are ultimately, for most, owned by private companies. This makes them products of the attention economy, where the attention of consumers has been quantified and commodified and where different players compete for such attention. The current research presents an analysis of content related to online advocacy to inform on the effects of a social media platform on social change and the use of a platform by citizens. More specifically, the research focuses on collective identity building through visual self-representation and how the commercial structures of the platform and the participation of users affect the representation of women in the context of the Black Lives Matter movement on Instagram. Methodologically the research was performed through a quali-quantitative exploration of publications associated to the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter, using cultural analytics and content analysis. The research concludes that while the complexity of technological and human variables in online societal participation makes the research on representations of women challenging because of the various actors and forces at play affecting it directly or indirectly, the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter is largely used for collective identity building that can contribute to empowering marginalized groups on social media. This type of finding nevertheless emphasizes the memetic characteristic of the hashtag rather than a tool for direct social activism.