Denna uppsats har studerat hur krav-kontroll-socialt stödmodellen påverkar den arbetsrelaterade stressen och ifall denna påverkan är stabil över tid. Den tidigare forskningen om modellen har gett tvetydliga resultat och denna uppsats försöker fylla den kunskapslucka som existerar. Resultatet visade att krav, kontroll och socialt stöd förklarade 22,7 2005 och 28,3 2016 procent av variansen för den arbetsrelaterade stressen. Det fanns signifikant samband mellan krav och arbetsrelaterad stress och för kontroll var resultaten tvetydliga. För socialt stöd fanns inga signifikanta samband för varken 2005 eller 2015. Vidare konstaterades att mer forskning inom fältet behövs.

Tidigare forskning har visat att det existerar en vidspridd oro för de miljöproblem vi idag står inför. Trots detta agerar de flesta människor inte i linje med sin oro, vilket skapar en diskrepans mellan en attityd och konkret handlande, där det även existerar stora variationer mellan länder. Med bivariata korrelationsanalyser ämnar denna uppsats att finna den eller de samhällsfaktorer som till högst grad kan förklara detta gap. Resultaten visar att den sociala tilliten inom ett land till högst grad förklarar varför vissa länders oro inte resulterar i konkret miljövänligt handlande. Sociala utgifter, BNP per capita, institutionell kvalitét är även betydelsefulla faktorer för att förklara detta gap. Denna uppsats fann inget stöd för att politisk tillit påverkar styrkan i sambandet mellan miljöoro och miljövänligt beteende.

Within the field of welfare research, few people take into account both the aspect of gender and class. Thetraditional class-oriented research has a one-dimensional perspective on gender and the feminist welfare researchrarely carry out large comparative studies. A multi-dimensional perspective on the construction ofgender and class would benefit from both the feminist and class welfare-oriented research, and contribute toincreasing the knowledge about the individual's experience and attitudes to work and work time. The aim ofthis paper is to examine the correlation of the intersectional relationship between sex / gender position andclass position with the attitudes and motives for working time reduction. Especially in, (1) the value in work,and (2) the attitude to a high number of working hours, as well as (3) its combined effect on the conflict betweenwork and family. Countries compared are: Sweden as a social-democratic country and the UnitedStates as a liberal country, based on the similarities in high amount of working mothers and influentialwomen’s movements as well as in there different strategies in the labour market. The survey data collectionis conducted by the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) and based on the 2006 survey Role of GovernmentIV, 2005 survey Work Orientation III and the 2002 survey Family and Changing Gender Roles III.The results from this study show that there is general support, in Sweden and the United States, towards theworking society. Meanwhile, there is also support for the state to reduce the working hours. In brief summary,employees value their work highly and are generally receptive to working long hours. However, itdoes not create a perception of high conflict between work and family responsibilities. It has been interpretedas a general positive attitude towards work society, and indications that the work is an important part of anindividual's identity and individuality. With these three motives as the starting point, the attitude towards thestate's responsibility to reduce working hours was studied. The result was a generally high support, especiallyin a Swedish context. Politicization in relation to sympathetic pattern was seen as explanations, basedon the fact that the issue of working time reduction is a central part of the Swedish media and political arenaas well as the working class and women's movement are the main actors promoting the issue.

This article sets out to examine how different types of nationalism are correlated with the level of democracy in a country, a relationship that has not received much attention in previous research. I aim to investigate this relationship by examining how five forms of nationalism affect democracy in 23 European countries. Individual-level data about nationalism come from ISSP (2013). I use latent class analysis (LCA), an exploratory method, to reveal the different types of nationalism that exist in Europe.  Then I investigate these nationalisms’ relationship to democracy. The dependent variable is an index of democracy developed by the Economist Intelligence Unit (2016). Results indicate a significant and strong association between nationalism and democracy. Ethnic nationalism is negatively correlated with levels of democracy, while civic nationalism is positively associated with democracy.

A study on far-right populism voters and democratic attitudes in five countries, France, Hungary, India, Russia and Sweden. The purpose of the study is to create a deeper understanding on the far-right populist voters view on a selection of democratic values. It is a quantitative study using datafrom International social survey program (2016). The focus is on the voters of these political parties.We conducted an exposé of the right-wing populism, using the theory of Cas Mudde and others, and of the far-right populist voter. Presentations were also carried out on every country´s far-right populism background. Democratic values were operationalized in different indicators, freedom of assembly, limitations of civil rights, limitations of public information, corruption and trust for MP: sand civil servants. The study did not result in a clear correlation between far-right populism voters and non-democratic values. However, we did find some correlations and the strongest effects were in France, Hungary and Russia. The patterns we found were on limitations of civil rights and the result showed that far-right populist voters tend to have a more non-democratic view on these issues.

Följande är en kvantitativ studie som undersöker stödet för den svenska välfärdsstaten utifrån faktorer som rör klass och genus. Detta utifrån den svenska datan från 2016 års ISSP-undersökning, som undersökt synen på det offentligas roll. Huvudfynden i denna studie är att kvinnor samt de med lägre klasstatus uppvisar ett högre stöd än män respektive de med hög klasstatus. Detta ligger i linje med den tidigare forskningen på området. Studien avslutas med en diskussion om hur resultaten som framkommit i denna studie kan förstås i förhållande till teori och tidigare forskning. I diskussionen lyfts också förslag på framtida forskning på området fram.

The purpose of an Institutional Repository (IR) is to disseminate information to the public through technology networks. This entails numerous and complex Information System (IS) processes and a ‘state of the art’ Information Technology (IT) infrastructure, which need to be strategically managed to successfully meet an organization’s goals. Therefore, the focus of this research is to investigate and justify how Information Systems Strategic Planning (ISSP) is utilized by a Greek University when developing an IR. This study was based on the Technological Educational Institute of Athens (TEI-A). The gathering of evidence involved reviewing key institutional documents and a qualitative case study research method using semi-structured interviews with open-ended questions. The interviewees were informed about the study beforehand and were required to sign a consent form to ensure ethical integrity. The analysis of this data was based on hermeneutics interpretive phenomenology with specific focus on the hermeneutic circle in ISSP. In conclusion, the empirical findings and analysis showed that ISSP is essential when creating an IR as provides order in the chaos relating to IS and IT processes. This is done through ISSP continually reassessing each of its stages to ensure best practices are being applied.

Plusieurs chercheurs considèrent qu’il existe un modèle québécois quant aux politiques sociales et économiques. Mais qu’en est-il sur le plan de la réduction des inégalités? Plus spécifiquement, est-ce que les citoyens du Québec perçoivent différemment les inégalités et sont-ils favorables lorsque l’État intervient pour les réduire? Et comment la presse québécoise réagit-elle vis-à-vis de cet enjeu? Ce mémoire se penche sur ces questions et vise à déterminer si le Québec se distingue de l’Ontario relativement à la perception des inégalités socio-économiques et à leur représentation médiatique. Deux types de données sont analysés : 1) une enquête de l’ISSP de 1992 portant sur les attitudes des Canadiens face aux inégalités socio-économiques 2) la couverture médiatique de l’élaboration d’une loi sur l’équité salariale visant la réduction d’une inégalité. Ces sources de données permettent d’étudier les différences de perceptions et de représentation des inégalités selon deux approches distinctes, mais complémentaires. De plus, dans une perspective comparative, le Québec est comparé à l’Ontario au cours des deux analyses. Les résultats de cette recherche montrent que sur le plan des perceptions et des attitudes, les deux provinces se ressemblaient quant à l’importance attribuée à la performance et au niveau d’études et de responsabilités pour déterminer le salaire d’un individu. De plus, les Québécois et les Ontariens allouaient un niveau d’importance similaire au réseau de contacts pour réussir dans la vie. Par contre, les Québécois étaient plus favorables à l’intervention étatique pour réduire les inégalités économiques et attribuaient davantage d’importance aux besoins familiaux pour déterminer ce qu’une personne devrait gagner. De manière marginalement significative, les Québécois considéraient dans une moindre mesure que les Ontariens, que les attributs personnels dont le sexe ou la religion affectaient les chances de réussite. L'analyse de contenu des quatre journaux a permis de constater à la fois des ressemblances et des divergences entre les deux provinces. Les deux couvertures médiatiques traitaient sensiblement des mêmes thèmes et rapportaient des sources similaires. Toutefois, il y avait trois différences majeures. Les journaux québécois se sont montrés moins favorables à la Loi sur l’équité salariale que dans la province voisine et ils ont davantage mentionné les conséquences économiques de la loi. Par ailleurs, les causes de l’iniquité salariale rapportées dans les articles au Québec concernaient davantage les différences de capital humain que la discrimination systémique vécue par les femmes, contrairement à ce qui est apparu dans les deux médias en Ontario. Le résultat le plus important de ce mémoire est que la couverture médiatique québécoise ne concorde pas avec l’opinion publique qui était favorable à l’intervention étatique pour réduire les inégalités. Ceci rappelle que les médias ne sont pas le simple reflet de la réalité ni de l'opinion publique. Ils présentent différentes facettes de la réalité à l'intérieur de certains paramètres, dont la structure organisationnelle dans laquelle ils se trouvent. / Many researchers consider that a Quebec model exists for social and economic policies, yet, how does this translate on the level of inequality reduction? More specifically, do Quebec citizens perceive inequalities differently than Ontario and are they quite favorable to government intervention to reduce them? What about Quebec’s press, do they react differently towards this issue? In this thesis, I investigate whether Quebec differs from Ontario in terms of perceptions about and attitudes towards social-economic inequalities. In order to answer this question, two data sources were used: 1) a 1992 ISSP public opinion poll 2) newspaper media coverage of the elaboration of a pay equity law aimed at reducing an inequality. These two data serve as lenses through which to consider differences in perceptions and representation and although distinct, they are complementary. I focus on the cases of Quebec and Ontario. The survey analysis revealed that perceptions and attitudes regarding the importance of performance, education levels, and responsibilities were similar in the two provinces in determining a person’s salary. Moreover, Quebeckers and Ontarians attributed similar levels of importance to social networks to succeed in life. This being said, Quebeckers gave higher levels of support to state intervention to reduce inequalities and granted greater importance to family needs in determining how much a person should earn. A marginally significant result also revealed that Quebeckers considered personal characteristics such as sex and religion less important in determining a person's chances of succeeding in life. The content analysis of four newspapers revealed that Quebeckers and Ontarians shared similarities: both media coverage had similar main themes and sources. However, there are three main differences. Quebec media was less favourable to the pay equity law than its Ontario counterpart and it more frequently mentioned the economic consequences of the law. Additionally, numerous explanations of pay iniquity brought forward by the Quebec press had more to do with differences in human capital than in systemic discrimination towards women, a situation not present in the neighboring province. The core findings of this thesis is that Quebec media representation was quite different from public opinion which was favorable to government intervention to reduce inequalities. This reminds us that the media is not a direct reflection of reality nor of public opinion It frames certain aspects of reality within given parameters notably the organizational structure within which it operates.

No description available.

The objective of this study is to create comprehensive overview of the development of partner forms in the Czech republic from 1961 to 2016 and their own analysis. This thesis is divided into two parts, where the first part deals with analyzes of individual partner forms, namely in the form of analysis of primo-nuptiality, especially from generation perspective, analysis of divorce rate, analysis of marriages of divorced and analysis of cohabitation. This diploma thesis is so independently connected to my bachelor thesis, using the same primo-nuptiality life tables which had been calculated by a uniform methodology for absolute mutual comparability. These life tables, supplemented by another two years, were also used here to calculate the indicators in the already mentioned generational view of primo-nuptiality. The second part of this thesis is then devoted to the analysis of the International Social Survey Programme for the Czech Republic, focusing only on the part of the Family for 1994 and 2012 and their mutual comparison and transitions. Keywords: primo-nuptiality life tables, cohort, nuptial, marriage, divorce, cohabitation, ISSP, Czech Republic, IBM SPS