Une montage-refuge pendant des siècles pour les minorités de la région, le Liban, pays démocratique fondé sur le respect de la liberté d’opinion, de croyance, et d’expression faisait exception. Cependant, c’est aussi un pays qui, depuis qu’il a accédé à l’indépendance en 1943, vit une instabilité qui se traduit par des crises politiques pouvant parfois le faire basculer dans la guerre civile. Son instabilité semble être liée à un système confessionnel et à une géopolitique compliquée où facteurs locaux, régionaux et internationaux s’entremêlent de façon toujours plus complexe. Ce travail se propose de revenir sur les événements de 1975-1990 en vue d’étudier les données internes pour étudier ultérieurement les données externes de la guerre. Nous essayerons d’élucider les causes qui font exploser la violence dans le pays selon un cycle à peu près rythmé. L’étude procèdera ensuite à une analyse du système consociatif libanais pour mettre la lumière sur les lacunes qui y existent. / A mountain refuge for hundreds of years for the minorities in the region, Lebanon, the democratic country that was founded on respect for freedom of opinion, belief, and expression was an exception. However, it is also a country which, since it gained independence in 1943, lives instability resulting in political crises that have sometimes resulted in civil wars. Its instability seems to be linked to a denominational system and a complicated geopolitical one where local, regional and international factors intertwine ever more intricately. This work intends to revisit the events of 1975-1990 to study the internal data of war to further study the external givens of war. We will try to elucidate the causes of violence that blew in the country in an almost rhythmic cycle. The study then conducts an analysis of the Lebanese consociational system to shed light on the gaps present there.

The mission over the last few decades, especially of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, has focused on “confessionalism”. In this specific sense of mission growth—numeric growth— has been a priority, and, unfortunately, not caring for “broken” people. The emphasis has been placed on the age-old proclamation of the “truth”, at the expense of social involvement, as it seems that “truth” transcends the needs of people, even of Christians. This has led to the restricting of the scope of pastoral care, and has limited it to an “applied theology”, where the Old Testament and New Testament studies have dictated its structure and methodology. Within Adventism its view and use of Scripture has dominated its ministry, indicating a number of different methods and approaches. These differences in both the conservative and the liberal orientations only represent their own possibilities. These approaches are the result of a basic understanding of Scripture as a body of divine teachings that needs to be accepted, believed, and obeyed. Consequently, this perception has moved the focus away from caring to the “so-called” correct doctrine of “truth” and proclamation. Postmodernism, however, is challenging the assumptions of modernism and is now confronting us with the understanding that there is no “objective truth”, and that there cannot be a completely detached observer. We observe reality, experience and Scripture not objectively, but rather discern them through the eyes of our own context, experience and history. The thesis, therefore, postulates as useful, just and proper that we experience reality in a narrative fashion within a secular postmodern world. It is through stories that we grasp and appreciate the important factors in our lives. Consequently, a narrative approach is appraised as being a more meaningful tool in approaching Scripture and pastoral care. Narratives are like rituals, they preserve the memory of past events in a way that they still have power for us in the present. As Jesus is a servant of everybody His narratives are transposed and they become accounts of our involvement in the lives of our fellow “sufferers”. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Practical Theology)

A tese objetiva analisar a forma como o Sínodo Evangélico Luterano do Brasil (hoje Igreja Evangélica Luterana do Brasil), proveniente do Sínodo de Missouri dos Estados Unidos, se posicionou em relação a assuntos em evidência da década de 1940 no Brasil, como questões envolvendo o Germanismo e o Nacional Socialismo Alemão presentes entre teuto-brasileiros. Além disso, o Sínodo necessitou adaptar-se às novas imposições da Campanha de Nacionalização do Governo de Getúlio Vargas, que visava o abrasileiramento de todos os imigrantes e seus descendentes residentes em solo brasileiro. A análise dos pressupostos do Sínodo a respeito destas questões compreende a premissa da Confessionalidade Luterana que, no entender do Sínodo, expressa uma necessária separação entre Igreja e Estado. Através de um processo judicial que envolveu dois pastores do Sínodo, presos e condenados no que ficou registrado na história como a Trama Nazi-integralista de Cruz Alta, resgatamos a visão que as autoridades brasileiras da época possuíam do Sínodo Evangélico Luterano do Brasil, especialmente no que tange ao Germanismo e ao Nacional Socialismo. / This dissertation aims at analyzing the way in which the former Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Brazil (now Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil), originating from the Missouri Synod of the United States, took a stand in the 1940s as regards the then-current issues in Brazil, such as matters involving Germanism and the German National Socialism among Teuto-Brazilians. Besides that, the Synod needed to adapt itself to the new impositions of the Nationalization Campaign ordained by the government of Getúlio Vargas, which was meant to brazilianize all immigrants and their descendants living on Brazilian soil. The analysis of the assumptions held by the Synod on those issues encompasses the premise of Lutheran Confessionalism which as the Synod sees it spells a necessary separation of Church and State. Also, by looking into a lawsuit involving two Synod pastors who were arrested and convicted in what came to be historically termed as the Nazi-Integralist Plot of Cruz Alta/RS, we have retrieved the viewpoint Brazilian authorities of that time had on the Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Brazil, especially concerning Germanism and the National Socialism.

Cette recherche qualitative et exploratoire porte sur la construction identitaire de l’homme marié violent au Liban. Elle s’appuie notamment sur les discours de l’homme violent et de la femme violentée (récits de vie, interrogatoires juridiques, questionnaires) et aussi sur le discours de personnes-ressources non violentes. La construction identitaire de l’homme violent au Liban est liée au système patriarcal fortement ancré dans la culture, les institutions et la vie des Libanais. L’homme évolue en fonction de 3 prototypes :- masculin : dominant, pourvoyeur, protecteur, agressif- féminin : soumise, femme au foyer, disponible, douce- du couple : verrouillage des autres prototypes dans une complémentarité sexisteLa violence masculine traduit la place de l’homme dans le couple (violences symboliques et violences spontanées), elle traduit aussi sa volonté de conserver l’ordre patriarcal dans la famille car toute évolution des prototypes notamment celui de la femme est sentie par l’homme comme une menace contre sa masculinité (violences interactionnelles). La violence est accentuée car le Liban évolue sous l’empire de stress, ce qui met les rôles patriarcaux en question en permanence. La trajectoire identitaire de l’homme violent libanais montre qu’il a un père autoritaire et sévère, parfois faible. Sa mère pourrait être envahissante, absente ou ambivalente. Du point de vue couple l’homme violent cherche le couple fusionnel car il traduit parfaitement la complémentarité patriarcale sexiste. L’ordre social patriarcal libanais est en perpétuelle reproduction engendrant des hommes sexistes prêts à devenir violents. La femme est encerclée par la violence même, sa honte d’être femme battue et/ou femme divorcée, mais aussi à cause du tiers d’idéologie sexiste : parents, amis, société, institutions concernées. La lutte contre la violence conjugale au Liban doit être totale : contre la violence, les inégalités de genre et la culture patriarcale. / This qualitative and exploratory research is about the construction of the identity of the violent married man in Lebanon. It is based on different sources, the violent man, the battered woman discourse (biography, court records, and questionnaires) and the discourse of non-violent resource-person. The construction of the identity of the violent man in Lebanon is related to the patriarchal system which is strongly anchored in the culture, institution and life of the Lebanese. In this environment man evolves into three prototypes:- The masculine: dominant, protector, provider, aggressive.- The feminine: submissive, housewife, available, soft.- The couple: the clamping of the two other prototypes in one complementary sexist relationship.The masculine violence can reflect the man’s place in the couple (symbolic violence, spontaneous violence), and can also show the willingness to conserve the patriarchal order in the family because every evolution of prototypes especially the women’s role is felt by man as a threat against his masculinity (interaction violence). Violence is accentuated because Lebanon is a society under stress, which permanently distorts the masculine image. The identity trajectory of the Lebanese violent man shows that he has an authoritarian and severe father figure, or a feeble one. His mother can be overbearing, absent or ambivalent. Concerning the couple, the violent man searches for the fusional couple because it reflects perfectly the sexist patriarchal complementarity. The Lebanese social patriarchal order is in perpetual reproduction generating sexist man ready to become violent. The woman is surrounded by violence, and shame feeling of being a battered woman and/or divorced woman, and because of the others that are sexist: parents, friends, society institutions and concerned responsible. The struggle against violence can only be total: it must be against violence, gender inequality and against patriarchal society.

Existe-t-il un pluralisme démocratique, une démocratie différente de celle des normes « occidentales » ? C’est la question que nous nous sommes posés dans notre recherche, en partant sur une hypothèse affirmative, dans un contexte spécifique qui est celui de l’alliance communément contestée entre démocratie et religion. Nous avons décidé de nous pencher sur les démocraties du Proche-Orient, sur leurs particularismes liés au rapport étroit qui existe dans ces pays entre politique et religion. Les pays de la région qui sembleraient à nos yeux les plus démocratiques à ce jour sont le Liban, Israël (en incluant une étude des Territoires palestiniens également), et la Turquie. En tenant pour principes démocratiques l’égalité et la liberté, présents dans leurs constitutions respectives, nous avons décidé d’étudier les spécificités de chaque pays ; celui d’être un Etat confessionnel pour le Liban, un Etat Juif pour Israël, un Etat sans Etat pour les Territoires palestiniens, un Etat à la fois laïc, turc, et islamique pour la Turquie. Il existe des failles démocratiques dans chacun de ses Etats, que nous avons mises en évidence, tout comme des évolutions positives. Le nationalisme présent dans chacun de ces pays est particulièrement prononcé, selon les différentes communautés d’appartenances, ce qui fait de l’appartenance ethnique principale une appartenance nationale ; d’où notre choix ambitieux d’appeler ces Etats des démocraties ethniques, se basant sur l’ethnos (l’appartenance communautaire du peuple). C’est aussi en raison de cette condition qu’ils connaissent surtout des lacunes vis-à-vis de la reconnaissance d’autres appartenances, leurs minorités respectives. / Does a democratic pluralism exist, implying a democracy different from the "Western" standards? Based on a positive assumption, this is the question that we attempt to answer to in this research within a specific framework, namely the commonly contested alliance between democracy and religion. We have decided to study Middle-Eastern democracies with their specificities related to the narrow link that exists in those countries between politics and religion. The countries of the area that seemed, as of today, the most democratic to us are Lebanon, Israel (including a study of the Palestinian Territories) and Turkey. Based on the democratic principles of Equality and Liberty, also present in their respective constitutions, we have decided to look into the specificities of each country; such as being a confessional state for Lebanon, a Jewish state for Israel, a state without a state for the Palestinian Territories and a state being at the same time secular, Turkish and Islamic for Turkey. In each of these countries there are democratic flaws that we have highlighted, as well as positive evolutions. The Nationalism present in each of these countries is particularly pronounced according to the different communities to which one belongs, which leads the main ethnic to become a national identification, hence our ambitious choice to name these states ethnic democracies based on the ethnos (people's identification to a community). It is also because of this specificity that they encounter weaknesses towards the recognition of other identifications such as their respective minorities.