Dans le présent mémoire, nous nous intéressons principalement à la vision politique de Heidegger et à son rapport au nazisme. Plusieurs liens entre le philosophe originaire de Messkirch et des penseurs politiques comme Jünger et Spengler subsistent. Il se dit lui-même en dette concernant le livre L’homme et la technique et mentionne à Karl Löwith qu’il « est en train de lire avec beaucoup d’intérêt le livre plein d’esprit de Spengler sur Le déclin de l’Occident ». Est-ce que Heidegger appartient au mouvement de la Konservative Revolution, expression employée par le poète Hugo von Hofmannsthal, mais popularisée par la thèse de doctorat d’Armin Mohler (1920-2003) pour décrire un ensemble de penseurs appartenant à un mouvement hétéroclite auquel Jünger et Spengler sont associés ? Certains commentateurs comme Jürgen Habermas, Robert Steuckers, Reinhard Mehring, Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, Gérard Granel et Alexandre Douguine semblent de cet avis, tandis que d’autres comme François Fédier, en se fondant en partie sur la thèse de Mohler, affirment que Heidegger n’appartient pas à ce mouvement. Nous souhaitons montrer que la position de Mohler est plus nuancée et présente une ouverture à son inclusion au sein de la Révolution conservatrice allemande. / In this thesis, we will investigate the political vision of Martin Heidegger and his link to Nazism. Several links between the philosopher from Messkirch and political thinkers like Jünger and Spengler remain. He states he is indebted to the book Man and Technics and indicates to Karl Löwith that he “is reading with great interest Spengler’s witty book on The Decline of the West”. Does Heidegger belong to the movement of the Konservative Revolution, which is an expression used by the poet Hugo von Hofmannsthal, but made widely known by the doctoral thesis of Armin Mohler (1920-2003) to describe a set of thinkers belonging to a heterogeneous movement to which Jünger and Spengler are some of the most well-known thinkers? Some commentators like Jürgen Habermas, Robert Steuckers, Reinhard Mehring, Phillipe Lacoue-Labarthe, Gérard Granel and Alexander Dugin seem to share this opinion while others like François Fédier, partially based on Mohler’s thesis, believe Heidegger does not belong to this movement. We wish to show that Mohler’s position is more nuanced and offers an opening to include Heidegger in the Konservative Revolution.

This study examines the interconnection between the ideas and political activities of Reinhard Hoehn during the Weimar and Nazi Eras. In particular, Hoehn's political writings, which are closely analyzed, indicate a continuing commitment to the ideals of the Conservative Revolution through his changes in political affiliations. It serves as a case study of the much debated relationship between the Conservative Revolution and Nazism.While developing as a radical right-wing Weimar intellectual, Hoehn joined a succession of Revolutionary Conservative Kampfbuende. His political writings and affiliations showed a commitment to the destruction of liberal conceptions in politics, sociology, and legal theory. His ultimate objective was the establishment of Volksgemeinschaft in Germany. When by 1931 his hopes for achieving these goals through the conservative Jungdeutche Orden ended, he began working for the SS.During the Third Reich, Hoehn eventually served as a legal advisor to Heinrich Himmler and as a head of Zentralabteilung II/2 of the Sicherheitsdienst (SS Security Service), which investigated "German Spheres of Life." He also wrote considerably during the Third Reich on both German law and international relations. His theories revealed a preoccupation with eliminating from law the concept of sovereignty and individualism as continuing vestiges of absolutism and liberalism. This belief led Hoehn to attempt to eliminate the 'individual personalities' of both the state and the Nazi Party. He thus deviated from Nazi ideologues and leaders on these significant matters, while he made compromises with the SS on issues of race and Himmler's political interests. However, an examination of Hoehn's writings and activities in Weimar and the Third Reich shows a dedication to an idealism that was in part distinct from Nazi orthodoxy, as well as a political realism in the sense that he knew his ideals were futile without the political backing of the SS.

The aim of this work is to answer questions of effectiveness in controlling inflation, changes in unemployment rate, reduce government spendings, deregulation and decentralization in both countries, confirm or refute theoretical assumptions of Laffer´s curve on the example of consequence of tax cuts in United States of America, privatization and the implications of the fight with the unions in Great Britain and the overall effect of the implementation of neoliberal concepts in both countries. This work compares the implementation and impact of neoliberal concepts of economic policy in the UK and in the United States and it provides insight into the effectiveness of the chosen means.

The presented thesis deals with the New Right in Germany and its current reception of the Conservative Revolution of the Weimar Republic. The thesis primarily focuses on the German New Right, which it aims to define by its references to ideological and political stances of the right-wing conservative and extremist movement of the Weimar Republic - the Conservative Revolution. Based on a detailed textual analysis of selected articles from the New Right's journal Sezession, the thesis presents the elementary worldviews of the New Right as well as its rhetoric and strategies. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how the New Right perceives the central ideas of the Conservative Revolution (anti- enlightenment, anti-liberalism, anti-democracy, anti-parliamentarism, advocacy of an authoritarian state concept and promotion of a homogenous society) and how it implicitly or explicitly employs these ideas for its argumentation. The thesis proved that the worldviews of the Conservative Revolution nowadays still function as an ideological reservoir of the New Right, meaning also that the New Right is theoretically little innovative and takes over and passes on a large part of the ideas of the intellectuals of the Conservative Revolution, which are currently one hundred years old.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’étudier les transformations économiques, sociales, politiques et idéologiques qui caractérisent le développement du néolibéralisme aux États-Unis, depuis l’essor du mouvement conservateur qui porta Ronald Reagan au pouvoir en 1980 jusqu’à la crise financière de 2008. Par néolibéralisme, on entend une idéologie qui postule la supériorité des forces du marché et du secteur privé sur l’intervention de l’État, un ensemble de politiques qui visent à libérer ces forces des entraves étatiques, et un mode de gouvernance qui s’inspire de la gestion des entreprises privées. À la lecture des nombreux ouvrages consacrés au néolibéralisme, on peut constater un morcellement des connaissances sur certains aspects particuliers du sujet, telles que ses dimensions idéologique, politique ou internationale ; il manque des études qui tentent de concevoir le néolibéralisme à la fois dans sa globalité et dans la spécificité de son développement aux États-Unis. Il nous est paru que la méthode dite « progressive-régressive » de Jean-Paul Sartre permettrait de faire la synthèse qui manque à la littérature actuelle. Bien que Sartre ait développé cette méthode dialectique à l’attention des chercheurs en sciences humaines et sociales, ce cadre épistémologique cherche encore ses adeptes. En l’appliquant au néolibéralisme américain, nous espérons donc contribuer non seulement à la connaissance d’un grand sujet d’actualité, mais aussi au développement des méthodes de recherche dans le champ des études civilisationnistes. / This dissertation aims to study the economic, social, political and ideological transformations that have characterized the development of neoliberalism in the United States, from the rise of the conservative movement that brought Ronald Reagan to power in 1980 to the financial crisis of 2008. Neoliberalism can be defined as an ideology that claims the free market and the private sector to be superior to government intervention, as a package of economic policies that aim to liberate market forces from government constraints, and as a mode of governance based on corporate management practices. Although many studies have been published on neoliberalism, each of them tends to focus on a limited dimension of the subject, such as its ideological, political, or international dimension. Given this fragmentation, there is a lack of studies that attempt to understand the specific development of neoliberalism in the United States from a holistic point of view. In order to achieve this goal, Jean-Paul Sartre’s “progressive-regressive” method appears to be an effective approach. While Sartre developed this method as an epistemological tool for the humanities, few researchers have attempted to make use of it. By applying it to the study of American neoliberalism, this dissertation hopes to contribute not only to the knowledge a topical subject, but also to the development of new research methods in the field of civilizational studies.

Nel presente lavoro vengono indagati gli aspetti politici della teologia di Friedrich Gogarten durante l’arco temporale della Repubblica di Weimar. La ricerca si propone due obiettivi fondamentali. In primo luogo, in essa si vuole dimostrare la presenza di una discontinuità all’interno della teologia politica di Gogarten, i cui noti esiti conservatori e vicini al nazismo durante gli ultimi anni della repubblica vengono generalmente considerati dalla critica come impliciti nel suo pensiero precedente. Un’analisi dettagliata della produzione di Gogarten, condotta con un’attenzione particolare al contesto storico-culturale, mostrerà che il suo pensiero politico fino al biennio ‘27/’28 presenta, al contrario, elementi critici nei confronti di un pensiero politico autoritario e dell’ideologia delle nuove destre, ai quali si avvicinerà solo successivamente. Il secondo obiettivo è quello di rinvenire le cause di questa evoluzione del suo pensiero. L’ipotesi di questa ricerca è che essa sia maturata sul terreno dei rapporti di Gogarten con la Chiesa Luterana della Turingia, e che le idee conservatrici inizialmente abbracciate dal teologo in questo ambito lo abbiano spinto a sviluppare una visione sempre più reazionaria della politica e della società durante gli ultimi problematici anni della Repubblica di Weimar. / This work examines the political aspects of Friedrich Gogarten’s theology during the time span of the Weimar Republic. The research seeks two fundamental goals. In the first place, it aims at demonstrating the discontinuity within Gogarten’s political theology, whose well-known conservative outcomes, close to Nazism, in the last years of the republic are generally considered by scholarship as implicit in his earlier thought. An in-depth analysis of Gogarten’s production, with particular attention to the socio-cultural context, will rather show that until the two-year period ‘27/’28 his political thought presents critical elements against authoritarian political power and new right-wing ideologies, that he will embrace only later. The second aim is to find the causes of this evolution of his thought. The research hypothesis is that it matured on the ground of Gogarten’s relationship with the Lutheran church of Thuringia. The conservative ideas first embraced by the theologian brought him to develop an increasingly reactionary vision of politics and society during the last problematic years of the Weimar Republic.

Au sortir de la Grande Guerre, de jeunes hommes d’une génération promise au combat mais privée de la mission eschatologique qui lui était dévolue, donnent un sens à leur vie en s’investissant dans la lutte pour la Bretagne. Hantés par l’expérience perdue de la guerre, ils conçoivent l’idée que la Bretagne elle-même a perdu la guerre. A leurs yeux, cette défaite justifie leur combat : le nationalisme breton de l’entre-deux-guerres est une guerre continuée, que les biographies croisées de quatre de ces jeunes hommes permettent de suivre, pas à pas.Dans leur lutte, Mordrel, Delaporte, Lainé et Fouéré cherchent des alliés, choisis en fonction d’une parenté de sort supposée. Ce sont d’abord les Irlandais, les Gallois, les Écossais. Mais l’interceltisme est un échec et les nationalistes bretons se tournent vers la Flandre, la Corse et l’Alsace, ainsi que vers l’Allemagne, pays vaincu qui anime clandestinement la contestation des nationalités européennes afin de remettre en cause les traités de 1919.Par ces échanges, les jeunes Bretons inscrivent leur action dans les divers courants de réflexion qui traversent l’Europe de la fin des années 1920 et du début des années 1930. Ainsi, l’expérience de la création d’une littérature bretonnante que l’on espère novatrice est une déclinaison locale de la Révolution conservatrice pensée en Allemagne ; le Parti Autonomiste Breton est fédéraliste et européiste, à l’instar des groupes « réalistes » qui s’expriment à Paris ; les cadres du Parti National Breton font l’expérience du « spiritualisme » et du « personnalisme » que théorisent les « relèves »parisiennes et européennes, certains adhèrent également au nordisme que leur inspirent des intellectuels proches de la SS.Dans cette optique, il apparaît clairement que le combat breton tel qu’il fut mené dans l’entre-deux-guerres n’a rien de spécifiquement breton : il est l’expression locale de mouvements de pensée européens, autant que la projection d’angoisses et de préoccupations personnelles de quelques meneurs plus ou moins charismatiques. Il en résulte une multiplication des revues ou actions aussi complémentaires que concurrentes, ainsi qu’une grande variation de la qualité des relations interpersonnelles, notamment au sujet de questions aussi cruciales en Bretagne que la religion.En 1939, les connivences avec les milieux de la Révolution Conservatrice allemande, les diverses expérimentations idéologiques, les choix personnels et diverses opportunités conduisent les meneurs nationalistes bretons à entretenir une alliance avec l’occupant dont ils obtiennent bien moins que ce qu’ils espèrent, sans toutefois que cela ne remette en cause les gages que nombre de militants bretons ne cessent d’offrir aux Allemands, à divers degrés. Mais si de l’histoire du mouvement breton, on ne retient volontiers que quelques épisodes spectaculaires et dramatiques de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, force est de constater que cette dernière ne fut pour lui qu’une mise en application d’idées énoncées bien avant partout en Europe, et adaptées à la Bretagne par quelques personnalités hors norme. / In the aftermath of the First World War, a generation of young men sworn to combat - yet restricted from the eschatological mission destined to them - resolve to find meaning in their lives by fully devoting themselves to fight for Brittany. Somewhat haunted by the wasteful experience of war, they consider Brittany itself as having failed. In their opinion, this defeat justifies their fight : the Breton nationalism of the inter-war period is a continued war, and can be traced through the biographies of four young men.In their struggle, Mordrel, Delaporte, Lainé and Fouéré seek for allies from supposed similar backgrounds, looking first to Ireland, Wales, and Scotland. Nevertheless, this kind of pan-Celticism fails, so the Breton nationalists direct their energies towards Flanders, Corsica and Alsace - as well as Germany, a defeated country which clandestinely challenges European nationalities, in order to dispute the various 1919 Treaties.As a result of these foreign exchanges, the young Bretons invest themselves into various schools of thought which spread across Europe in the late 1920s and the early 1930s. Thus the creation of a Breton Literature believed to be innovative can indeed be considered as a local variation of German conservative revolutionary thinking. The Breton Autonomist Party is federalist and pro-Europe, such as other 'realist' groups which are forming in Paris. The directors of the Breton National party experiment in « spiritualism » and « personalism » as theorised by Parisian and European « relèves » (relief teams), and some of these directors are also inspired to adhere to Nordism by intellectuals inclose contact with the SS.With all this in mind, it appears that the activities carried out in the name of the « Breton struggle » during the inter-war period are in no way unique to Brittany. Rather, they are the local expression of movements of European thinking, as well as the projection of anxiety and personal issues of some considerably charismatic leaders. This results in an increase in the publication of reviews and actions - both complementary and opposing to the cause - as well big differences in the quality of interpersonal relationships, in particular about issues as crucial to Brittany as religion.In 1939, collusion with the German Conservative Revolution, various ideological experiments, personal decisions, and other diverse factors conduce the nationalist Breton leaders to engage in an alliance with the occupier. This alliance offers them signifìcantly fewer benefits than were hoped for, yet at the same time many Breton militants do not question their involvement and pledges made with the Germans, to varying degrees.If we only remember a few dramatic and sensational episodes of the Breton movement during the Second World War, it must be noted that these episodes are largely the execution of theories circulating long before, all over Europe, and adapted to the Breton cause by a small number of atypical people.