Nullity and inefficacy of legal acts in bankruptcy proceedings This thesis deals with description of nullity and inefficacy institutes of legal acts, especially with focus on bankruptcy proceedings. Such legal acts shorten the debtor's assets and the institutes of nullity and inefficacy allow to return the lost property back to the debtor's assets. This thesis is divided into six chapters which are subdivided into subchapters whilst the most important part is formed by chapters 4. and 5. The first chapter deals with the basic definition of bankruptcy proceedings, it also describes the basic principles and principles of bankruptcy proceedings which are also important for understanding the institutes of nullity and inefficacy of legal acts. There is approached the issue of the actionability of legal acts in bankruptcy proceedings in general view and in the whole chapter's conclusion I have highlighted the criminal law overlap of this topic with focus on the offense of favoring the creditor. The second chapter provides a historical excursion, not only in the context of nullity and inefficacy legal acts but also in the context of bankruptcy proceedings development as a whole and its approximation to the current legal regulation. The third chapter deals with nullity and inefficacy under civil law, or...

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Nesta tese propomos desenvolver uma história social das vivências de marinheiros a partir da cidade portuária de Rio Grande (Rio Grande do Sul/Brasil) entre os anos de 1835 e 1864, considerando tanto o universo dos trabalhadores da Armada Imperial brasileira (a marinha de guerra) como o da marinha mercante, o que englobava marujos livres e escravizados, nacionais e estrangeiros. Quanto à delimitação espacial privilegiaremos, juntamente com o espaço social do navio, a análise da região portuária de Rio Grande, a qual se destacava quanto à vivência de situações de sociabilidade e trabalho para o universo social em questão. Os marinheiros conformavam um grupo marcado por um forte estigma que os atribuía a fama de transgressores, desordeiros, indisciplinados, insubordinados, ébrios, brigões, etc. Buscaremos problematizar justamente esta fama nefasta atribuída aos homens do mar, refletindo sobre os seus termos e significados para os diferentes agentes envolvidos (Estado, senhores de escravos, comandos navais e marujos). Acreditamos que determinadas práticas e posturas marujas devem ser entendidas para além dessas adjetivações pejorativas, uma vez que poderiam estar relacionadas a leituras políticas próprias quanto às relações de trabalho embarcadas e ao lugar a eles reservado nos projetos de consolidação do estado imperial brasileiro. Mais do que simples rixa ou desordem, tais atitudes podiam ser o resultado da luta maruja por resguardar determinados modos de vida e ritmos de trabalho desejados, se inserindo assim em uma arena de contestações e conflitos que guardava relação direta com noções advindas de uma cultura política marítima atlântica. Na medida em que Rio Grande se articulava intensamente com diversas regiões do mundo, mediante a sua sólida inserção em circuitos náuticos regionais, nacionais e internacionais, atentaremos ainda para o papel dos vínculos atlânticos por sobre a conformação da cultura política dos homens do mar. / This thesis aims to develop a social history of the sailors experiences from the port city of Rio Grande (Rio Grande do Sul State/Brazil) between 1835 and 1864, considering both the universe of the Brazilian Imperial Army workers (the war navy) as of the merchant navy workers, which included free and enslaved sailors, Brazilians or foreign ones. Regarding to the spatial delimitation we prioritize the analysis of both the Rio Grande port region, which stood out on experiences of sociability and labor situations considering that social universe, and the social space of the ship. The sailors formed a group marked by a strong stigma attached to the fame of wrongdoers, unruly, undisciplined, insubordinate, drunken, quarrelsome, etc. We aim to problematize this nefarious reputation attributed to the men of the sea, reflecting on their terms and meanings for different actors involved (State, slaveholders, naval commandos and sailors). We believe that certain sailor‟s practices and attitudes should be understood beyond these pejorative adjectives since they could be related to some proper political reading regarding labor relations on the ship and the role assigned to them in the projects of the consolidation of the Brazilian imperial state. More than just fray or disorder such attitudes could be the result of the sailors struggle to safeguard certain lifestyles and working patterns desired, thus involved into an arena of contestation and conflict which had a direct relation with notions derived from an Atlantic sea political culture. As Rio Grande was heavily connected with various regions of the world through its solid insertion in regional, national and international nautical circuits, we also analyses the role of the Atlantic bonds over the conformation of the political culture of the men of the sea.

Nesta tese propomos desenvolver uma história social das vivências de marinheiros a partir da cidade portuária de Rio Grande (Rio Grande do Sul/Brasil) entre os anos de 1835 e 1864, considerando tanto o universo dos trabalhadores da Armada Imperial brasileira (a marinha de guerra) como o da marinha mercante, o que englobava marujos livres e escravizados, nacionais e estrangeiros. Quanto à delimitação espacial privilegiaremos, juntamente com o espaço social do navio, a análise da região portuária de Rio Grande, a qual se destacava quanto à vivência de situações de sociabilidade e trabalho para o universo social em questão. Os marinheiros conformavam um grupo marcado por um forte estigma que os atribuía a fama de transgressores, desordeiros, indisciplinados, insubordinados, ébrios, brigões, etc. Buscaremos problematizar justamente esta fama nefasta atribuída aos homens do mar, refletindo sobre os seus termos e significados para os diferentes agentes envolvidos (Estado, senhores de escravos, comandos navais e marujos). Acreditamos que determinadas práticas e posturas marujas devem ser entendidas para além dessas adjetivações pejorativas, uma vez que poderiam estar relacionadas a leituras políticas próprias quanto às relações de trabalho embarcadas e ao lugar a eles reservado nos projetos de consolidação do estado imperial brasileiro. Mais do que simples rixa ou desordem, tais atitudes podiam ser o resultado da luta maruja por resguardar determinados modos de vida e ritmos de trabalho desejados, se inserindo assim em uma arena de contestações e conflitos que guardava relação direta com noções advindas de uma cultura política marítima atlântica. Na medida em que Rio Grande se articulava intensamente com diversas regiões do mundo, mediante a sua sólida inserção em circuitos náuticos regionais, nacionais e internacionais, atentaremos ainda para o papel dos vínculos atlânticos por sobre a conformação da cultura política dos homens do mar. / This thesis aims to develop a social history of the sailors experiences from the port city of Rio Grande (Rio Grande do Sul State/Brazil) between 1835 and 1864, considering both the universe of the Brazilian Imperial Army workers (the war navy) as of the merchant navy workers, which included free and enslaved sailors, Brazilians or foreign ones. Regarding to the spatial delimitation we prioritize the analysis of both the Rio Grande port region, which stood out on experiences of sociability and labor situations considering that social universe, and the social space of the ship. The sailors formed a group marked by a strong stigma attached to the fame of wrongdoers, unruly, undisciplined, insubordinate, drunken, quarrelsome, etc. We aim to problematize this nefarious reputation attributed to the men of the sea, reflecting on their terms and meanings for different actors involved (State, slaveholders, naval commandos and sailors). We believe that certain sailor‟s practices and attitudes should be understood beyond these pejorative adjectives since they could be related to some proper political reading regarding labor relations on the ship and the role assigned to them in the projects of the consolidation of the Brazilian imperial state. More than just fray or disorder such attitudes could be the result of the sailors struggle to safeguard certain lifestyles and working patterns desired, thus involved into an arena of contestation and conflict which had a direct relation with notions derived from an Atlantic sea political culture. As Rio Grande was heavily connected with various regions of the world through its solid insertion in regional, national and international nautical circuits, we also analyses the role of the Atlantic bonds over the conformation of the political culture of the men of the sea.

Nesta tese propomos desenvolver uma história social das vivências de marinheiros a partir da cidade portuária de Rio Grande (Rio Grande do Sul/Brasil) entre os anos de 1835 e 1864, considerando tanto o universo dos trabalhadores da Armada Imperial brasileira (a marinha de guerra) como o da marinha mercante, o que englobava marujos livres e escravizados, nacionais e estrangeiros. Quanto à delimitação espacial privilegiaremos, juntamente com o espaço social do navio, a análise da região portuária de Rio Grande, a qual se destacava quanto à vivência de situações de sociabilidade e trabalho para o universo social em questão. Os marinheiros conformavam um grupo marcado por um forte estigma que os atribuía a fama de transgressores, desordeiros, indisciplinados, insubordinados, ébrios, brigões, etc. Buscaremos problematizar justamente esta fama nefasta atribuída aos homens do mar, refletindo sobre os seus termos e significados para os diferentes agentes envolvidos (Estado, senhores de escravos, comandos navais e marujos). Acreditamos que determinadas práticas e posturas marujas devem ser entendidas para além dessas adjetivações pejorativas, uma vez que poderiam estar relacionadas a leituras políticas próprias quanto às relações de trabalho embarcadas e ao lugar a eles reservado nos projetos de consolidação do estado imperial brasileiro. Mais do que simples rixa ou desordem, tais atitudes podiam ser o resultado da luta maruja por resguardar determinados modos de vida e ritmos de trabalho desejados, se inserindo assim em uma arena de contestações e conflitos que guardava relação direta com noções advindas de uma cultura política marítima atlântica. Na medida em que Rio Grande se articulava intensamente com diversas regiões do mundo, mediante a sua sólida inserção em circuitos náuticos regionais, nacionais e internacionais, atentaremos ainda para o papel dos vínculos atlânticos por sobre a conformação da cultura política dos homens do mar. / This thesis aims to develop a social history of the sailors experiences from the port city of Rio Grande (Rio Grande do Sul State/Brazil) between 1835 and 1864, considering both the universe of the Brazilian Imperial Army workers (the war navy) as of the merchant navy workers, which included free and enslaved sailors, Brazilians or foreign ones. Regarding to the spatial delimitation we prioritize the analysis of both the Rio Grande port region, which stood out on experiences of sociability and labor situations considering that social universe, and the social space of the ship. The sailors formed a group marked by a strong stigma attached to the fame of wrongdoers, unruly, undisciplined, insubordinate, drunken, quarrelsome, etc. We aim to problematize this nefarious reputation attributed to the men of the sea, reflecting on their terms and meanings for different actors involved (State, slaveholders, naval commandos and sailors). We believe that certain sailor‟s practices and attitudes should be understood beyond these pejorative adjectives since they could be related to some proper political reading regarding labor relations on the ship and the role assigned to them in the projects of the consolidation of the Brazilian imperial state. More than just fray or disorder such attitudes could be the result of the sailors struggle to safeguard certain lifestyles and working patterns desired, thus involved into an arena of contestation and conflict which had a direct relation with notions derived from an Atlantic sea political culture. As Rio Grande was heavily connected with various regions of the world through its solid insertion in regional, national and international nautical circuits, we also analyses the role of the Atlantic bonds over the conformation of the political culture of the men of the sea.

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The research examines the interface of history and fiction. It predominantly focuses on historical fiction on the Zimbabwean liberation war written in Shona, Ndebele and English and published after the attainment of political independence in 1980. Historical fiction on the liberation war is both biographical and autobiographical. Consequently, the study comes to the conclusion that historical fiction is a veritable stakeholder in the history issue in Zimbabwe. It becomes another type or source of history that cannot be papered over when dealing with the nation’s history. In a nation where liberation war history is not only taken seriously, but is also a vigorously contested terrain, historical fiction becomes part of those discursive contestations, particularly on nation and nationalism. It is in this regard that the study problematises the interface of history and fiction by reasoning that historical fiction published in the early 1980s largely advances a state-centered perspective which views history, nation and nationalism in positive terms. This discourse uses history in order to argue for a single nation that derives its identity from the heroic and symbolic guerrilla characters. Nationalism is exclusively presented as humanising and as being the sole legitimate political brand capable of leading the nation. On the other hand, historical fiction written in English and published in the late 1980s onwards represents alternative historical truths that contest nationalism and debunk official definitions of nation. This discourse leads to the pluralisation of perspectives on nation and nationalism. The focus on historical fiction published in three languages used in Zimbabwe is a conscious attempt to transcend ethnicity in critical scholarship. Discussing novels in Shona, Ndebele and English, which are the three main languages in Zimbabwe, makes it possible for the study to draw reasoned conclusions on the bearing of time, language, region and background among others on historical representation. This undertaking brings to the fore how literature responding to similar historical processes appears moderately conjunctive and principally disjunctive. Correspondingly, it also shows various trends in the development of liberation war fiction in Zimbabwe. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

The research examines the interface of history and fiction. It predominantly focuses on historical fiction on the Zimbabwean liberation war written in Shona, Ndebele and English and published after the attainment of political independence in 1980. Historical fiction on the liberation war is both biographical and autobiographical. Consequently, the study comes to the conclusion that historical fiction is a veritable stakeholder in the history issue in Zimbabwe. It becomes another type or source of history that cannot be papered over when dealing with the nation’s history. In a nation where liberation war history is not only taken seriously, but is also a vigorously contested terrain, historical fiction becomes part of those discursive contestations, particularly on nation and nationalism. It is in this regard that the study problematises the interface of history and fiction by reasoning that historical fiction published in the early 1980s largely advances a state-centered perspective which views history, nation and nationalism in positive terms. This discourse uses history in order to argue for a single nation that derives its identity from the heroic and symbolic guerrilla characters. Nationalism is exclusively presented as humanising and as being the sole legitimate political brand capable of leading the nation. On the other hand, historical fiction written in English and published in the late 1980s onwards represents alternative historical truths that contest nationalism and debunk official definitions of nation. This discourse leads to the pluralisation of perspectives on nation and nationalism. The focus on historical fiction published in three languages used in Zimbabwe is a conscious attempt to transcend ethnicity in critical scholarship. Discussing novels in Shona, Ndebele and English, which are the three main languages in Zimbabwe, makes it possible for the study to draw reasoned conclusions on the bearing of time, language, region and background among others on historical representation. This undertaking brings to the fore how literature responding to similar historical processes appears moderately conjunctive and principally disjunctive. Correspondingly, it also shows various trends in the development of liberation war fiction in Zimbabwe. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

En partant de l’une des périodes les plus riches dans l’histoire de l’Islam en termes de créativité et de production poétiques, notre projet vise à mettre au jour les formes qu’a revêtues le rapport entre le poète et le Prince. Pour élucider ce rapport aussi complexe que protéiforme, nous ferons appel à un corpus riche et varié, et on tentera alors d’examiner la question de l’éloge et du blâme à travers trois prismes : la rhétorique, l’éthique et la politique. Le discours encomiastique mobilise la rhétorique afin d’emporter l’adhésion d’un auditoire sur une matière qui n’est pas encore établie. Mais l’effort déployé par l’orateur afin de convaincre l’auditoire ne peut se passer de la toile de fond éthique et du système commun de valeurs dont il procède pour arriver à la persuasion. Quant à la dimension politique, elle se reflète dans la fonction du poète comme « arme verbale » au service du Prince et instrument de légitimation de sa position politique contre ses adversaires réels ou potentiels. Par-delà la fonction de panégyriste officiel, la performativité du discours politique s’étend également à la parole, d’éducation, de réforme voire de critique ouverte qui pourrait évoquer la parrêsia antique. Grâce à un fonds sapiential, la poésie apporte sa contribution au processus de formation de l’homme politique et lui offre un excellent manuel de gouvernement. Quant à la veine contestataire, l’invective, la caricature et la mobilisation de la parole polémique constituent ses principaux ressorts. La veine contestataire traverse le regard que le poète jette sur l’univers de la cour, la politique du Prince ou le rapport entre gouvernants/gouvernés. Qu’il s’agisse de nominations, de projets politiques ou de l’ethos même de l’homme du pouvoir, le poète est toujours présent pour donner son avis. L’injustice d’une décision prise par un juge, le népotisme d’un gouverneur ou la dureté d’un général sont autant d’aspects qui témoignent de la vivacité de la critique du pouvoir par le poète, et du rôle que ce dernier endosse en tant que moralisateur de cette sphère. Le conseil se présente alors comme le moyen de rectifier les décisions ou les orientations générales du Prince et témoigne de l’existence d’une véritable rationalité poétique. Aussi, la rhétorique de l’éloge et du blâme témoigne-elle de l’existence d’une rationalité poétique qui arrive à maturité à l’époque abbasside et parvient à un degré d’efficience oratoire sans précédent en raison d’une conscience accrue du poète de la nécessité de s’impliquer dans la vie politique et de peser sur le cours de l’Histoire. / Based on one of the richest periods in the history of Islam in terms of poetic creativity and production, our project seeks to revise the forms that characterized the relationship between the poet and the prince. To elucidate this relationship as complex as it is protean, we will call on a rich and varied corpus, and then examine the question of praise and blame through three prisms: rhetoric, ethics and politics. The encomiastic discourse uses rhetoric to gain an audience’s support for a matter that is not yet established. But the effort required by the orator to convince the audience necessitates the ethical backdrop and common system of values, from which he proceeds to persuade. As for the political dimension, it is reflected in the poet’s function as the “verbal arm” serving the prince and as an instrument legitimizing his political position against real or potential opponents. Beyond the function of official panegyrist, the performativity of political discourse also extends to speech, education, reform, even open criticism that could evoke the antique parrêsia. By virtue of its sapiential substance, poetry contributes to the process forming the politician and offers him an excellent manual to government. As for the dissenting vein, invective, caricature and the mobilization of polemical speech constitute his main resources. The dissenting vein passes through the poet’s gaze on the universe of the court, the prince’s politics and the relationship between governor/governed. Whether it involves nominations, political projects or the very ethos of the man of power, the poet is always present to give his opinion. The injustice of a decision made by a judge, the nepotism of a governor or the harshness of a general are all aspects that demonstrate the poet’s vivacious criticism of power, and the role that the latter assumes as the moralizer of this sphere. The counsel is then presented as a means to rectify the prince’s general decisions or orientations and attests to the existence of a veritable poetic rationality. Furthermore, the rhetoric of praise and blame indicates the existence of a poetic rationality that reached maturity in the Abbasid period and attained an unprecedented degree of oratory efficiency, due to the poet’s growing consciousness of the necessity to be involved in political life and to influence the course of history.