Le sujet de cette thèse de doctorat est la mesure de la corruption. Ses principales contributions à la recherche en économie sont une réflexion sur la pratique actuelle de construction d'indicateurs de la corruption à partir d'enquêtes d’entreprises, et la suggestion d'approches innovantes visant à améliorer la qualité de ces indicateurs. Cette thèse est composée de trois chapitres. Le premier chapitre examine la mesure dans laquelle demander à des propriétaires et gestionnaires d’entreprise d'évaluer la magnitude de la corruption en pourcentage de leur chiffre d'affaires ou en termes monétaires influence leurs estimations, et les raisons expliquant cette différence. Je confirme des résultats antérieurs que les estimations de la corruption sont significativement plus élevées lorsqu'elles sont exprimées en pourcentage de chiffres d’affaires plutôt qu'en valeur monétaire. Ce résultat est vraisemblablement causé par une erreur de calcul de la part de certains répondants. L'expérience dans la gestion d'entreprise limite cette propension à l'erreur, sans toutefois l'éliminer complètement. Le deuxième chapitre évalue comment les chefs d'entreprise ayant remporté des marchés publics considérés à risque de corruption se comportent vis-à-vis d'une enquête sur les marchés publics. Je conclus que les entreprises ayant une plus grande expérience de la corruption ne sont pas plus susceptibles de refuser de participer à l'enquête ou de répondre à une question leur demandant d'estimer la magnitude de la corruption, mais ont une probabilité plus élevée que les autres de nier l'existence de corruption dans les marchés publics. Le troisième chapitre propose une approche innovante d'identification des répondants réticents dans les enquêtes d'entreprise et de correction des indicateurs de fréquence de la corruption. / The topic of this doctoral thesis is corruption measurement. Its main contributions to economic research are a reflection on the current practice of producing corruption indicators using business survey data, and suggesting innovative approaches to improve the quality of those indicators. This thesis is composed of three Chapters. The first Chapter investigates how asking firm owners and managers to estimate the magnitude of bribery as a percentage of their turnover or in monetary terms affects their estimations and the reasons for this difference. I confirm previous findings that estimates of bribery are significantly higher when expressed as a percentage of turnover rather than in monetary value. This result is likely due to miscalculations on the part of some respondents. Experience in running a business appears to mitigate this propensity to error, but without eliminating entirely. The second Chapter evaluates how firm owners and managers which were awarded public contracts considered at risk of corruption behave in responding to a survey about public procurement. I conclude that firms with more experience of corruption are no more likely to decline participating in the survey or to answer a question asking them to evaluate the magnitude of bribery, but have a higher probability to deny the existence of bribery compared to firms with less experience of corruption. The third Chapter suggests an innovative approach to identify reticent respondents in business surveys and to correct indicators for the frequency of corruption accordingly.

Cette thèse porte sur l'étude d'un réseau composé d'élus du Vaucluse de 1870 à 1898, autour de la figure d'Alfred Naquet et de ses amis politiques. On s'attachera à montrer comment ce réseau s'est peu à peu constitué et implanté à partir de 1870 grâce aux victoires électorales, et structuré par des fidélités personnelles, des échanges d'influence, et l'utilisation d'un vocabulaire de l'amitié. Cela avant d'être progressivement détruit et écarté de la scène politique locale durant les années 1888 à 1897, remis en cause par l'engagement d'une partie de ses membres dans le boulangisme, puis par leur implication dans le scandale de Panama. Au travers de l'étude de ce réseau, on cherche à appréhender les relations de clientèle et de fidélité entre ces élus du Vaucluse, leur relais locaux et de simples citoyens, dans la cadre de la politique des patronages, grâce à l'étude de la correspondance de ces élus et des fonds publics. Le deuxième évènement qui cause la fin du réseau Naquet est le scandale de Panama, plus précisément "l'affaire Arton". Accusés d'avoir reçu de l'argent pour leur vote lors d'une loi favorable à la compagnie universelle du canal interocéanique du Panama, certains membres du réseau sont poursuivis en justice. Par ailleurs, le scandale révèle des liens entre les puissances de l'argent et le monde politique, notamment au travers de la société centrale de la dynamite, et pose la question de l'existence d'un groupe de pression composé d'hommes politiques et d'hommes d'affaires à la chambre. De la même manière, les stratégies de défense des élus face à l'accusation de corruption, les déviances et les débats normatifs autour de cette thématique seront étudiées en ce qui concerne ce réseau. / This thesis deals with the study of a network composed with MPs of Vaucluse from 1870 to 1898, gathered around Alfred Naquet and his political friends.We will try to show how this network works, how it was built and got rooted from 1870 thanks to electoral victories, then structured by personal loyalties, exchanges of influence and the use of friendship vocabulary.This was before it got progressively destroyed and isolated from the local political scene from 1888 to 1898, questionned first by the engagement from one part of its membersin the boulangisme, then by their implication in the Panama scandal. Throught the study of this network, we search to apprehend the relation of clientelism and loyalty between the MPs of Vaucluse, their local relay and simple citizens. The second event that caused the end of Naquet's network is the Panama scandal, more precisely the "Arton Affaire". Being accused of receiving money for their vote when a law in favour of the Panama company is voted,some members of the network are being prosecuted. The scandal also reveals links between businessmen and political men, especially throw the société centrale de la dynamite, created by Alfred Nobel, and raise the question of the existence of a group of pressure composed by politcal and business men. In the same way, the defence strategies of the electives facing corruption accusation, the deviances and normative debates around this theme will be studied regarding this network.

O presente trabalho investiga a necessidade de tipificação do delito de corrupção no setor privado, no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Para tanto, necessário aprofundar o estudo do fenômeno da corrupção, bem como a moderna interpretação de seu conteúdo pela comunidade jurídica internacional. Partindo de uma perspectiva de Direito Comparado, é possível verificar a evolução no controle da corrupção transnacional, fruto de diferentes compromissos assumidos por diversos Estados, em verdadeiro esforço conjunto para erradicação das práticas corruptivas e seus nefastos efeitos ao mundo globalizado. Nesse cenário, exsurge a relevância do debate acerca da ampliação do conceito de corrupção para além da esfera pública, abarcando também condutas estritamente relacionadas ao setor privado, de modo que alguns países hodiernamente já tipificam essa nova modalidade delitiva em seus ordenamentos. Indispensável acurado exame da forma como o delito de corrupção entre particulares ganhou contornos na legislação e doutrina estrangeiras para desenvolver o modelo pátrio de incriminação da conduta, uma vez que tal tema é hoje objeto de proposta legislativa específica. Assim, verificase a atualidade e importância da pesquisa aqui proposta, cujo escopo é auxiliar no desenvolvimento de um tipo penal adequado ao bem jurídico protegido, levando-se em conta, principalmente, os documentos internacionais que impulsionam sua criação. / This paper intends to investigate the need for private-sector corruption crime classification in the Brazilian legal system. Therefore, it is necessary to deepen the studies about corruption’s historical roots, as well as the modern interpretation of its content by the international legal community. Through the mechanisms of Comparative Law it is possible to verify corruption’s combat evolution in a supranational level, consequence of various commitments assumed by various States, in true combined efforts to eradicate corruption acts and their disastrous effects in the globalized world. In this scenery, the relevance in debating the widening of corruption’s concept to beyond the public spheres arises, embracing also the conducts strictly related to the private sector, in a way that some countries already class the new crime form in their systems. Necessary rightful exam of the way corruption crime between individuals has outlined both international legislation and doctrine to develop the native method of the behavior incrimination, here is that said theme is nowadays subject of specific legislation proposal. Thus, it is verified the timeliness and importance of the research here proposed, which scope is to help the development of a crime class adequate to the protected juridical asset, taking into account, mainly, the international documents that impel its creation.

Pour assurer ses missions les États ont besoin de prélever l’impôt afin de s’assurer des ressources. Lacaractéristique des États en développement est, en matière de Finances Publiques, d’avoir des recettesbasées essentiellement sur les taxes prélevées en frontière sur les marchandises. Malheureusement dansces pays là, l’efficacité des Organisations Douanières est rarement au rendez-vous, notamment du faitd’une corruption très importante parmi les douaniers.Aussi les Organisations Internationales recommandent une privatisation partielle des missions afind’améliorer les recettes. Les sociétés privées se sont spécialisées dans cette forme de recouvrement etainsi la plupart des pays africains ont recours à l’une ou l’autre des sociétés dites de " pré-inspection ".Après des années de pratique peut-on évaluer l’efficience de cette privatisation ? L’exemple de la RCAest particulièrement pertinent pour étudier cela puisque d’une part ce pays a poussé la privatisation àl’ensemble des missions douanières, ce qui est unique au monde et d’autre part la situation actuelle de cepetit pays découle au moins en partie de l’absence d’une administration des douanes solide.Dans l’écroulement des structures administratives de ce pays, assisté depuis sa création par toutesles Organisations Internationales, ces dernières, sont-elles exemptes de reproches ? / STATES collect revenue from taxes to provide necessary financial resources to the accomplishmentof their missions. Developing states have a common characteristic namely to collect revenue mainly onimported goods. Unfortunately customs administrations of these countries are generally inefficient due toa very high level of corruption of their personnel.Faced to this situation, internationals organisations advised to outsource some of the customs func-tions in order to improve the collection of revenue. Private companies developed new activities in thisarea and today most African countries have contracted out one or several of these companies usuallycalled preshipment inspection companies. After several years is it feasable to assess the efficiency of thatoutsourcing ? CAR is an excellent and pertinent study case to perform this assessment. On one hand,this country has outsourced all of the customs fonctions, which is a unique exemple in the world. Onthe other hand, there is a strong link between the existing situation of this country and the lack of anefficient customs administration.Can we blame these international organisations, which have assisted CAR since it’s creation, for thecollapse of the administrative structures of this country ?

Les paiements informels (PI) sont des sommes d’argent supportées par les patients, ou exigées indument par le personnel sanitaire, à l’occasion d’une prestation de soins qui est pourtant censée être prise en charge. Dans les systèmes de soins publics des pays en développement (PED), ces paiements constituent une pratique courante. Puisque ces systèmes de santé sont souvent réputés pour être peu efficients, nous proposons dans cette étude une analyse des possibles liens entre le versement de PI et l’efficience d’un système de santé. Dans la première partie de ce travail, nous mettons en évidence une corrélation négative entre les PI et l’efficience du système de soins : à des taux élevés de PI sont typiquement associées de faibles performances sanitaires. Nous expliquons qu’il est par conséquent légitime de penser qu’une réduction des niveaux de PI entrainerait une amélioration des prestations fournies ou/et une réduction des dépenses sanitaires. Dès lors, il semble pertinent d’examiner les motifs qui poussent les patients et le personnel sanitaire à s’adonner à des paiements informels. Nous explorons cette voie en partant d’une analyse coût-bénéfice. Pour cette dernière, quatre déterminants majeurs de la conduite de l’agent seront identifiés au cours de cette analyse : le salaire, les conditions physiques de travail, la responsabilité légale et les normes sociales. Partant du postulat que l’agent ne changera d’attitude que si un comportement intègre lui procure au moins autant de satisfaction qu’un comportement opportuniste (corrompu), nous déduisons de cela quelques pistes susceptibles de réduire le versement de PI. / Informal payments (IP) are sums of money paid voluntarily by patients, or unduly demanded by medical staff, for the provision of care that is supposed to be already financed. In the public healthcare systems of developing countries (DC), these payments are a common practice. Since these healthcare systems are often considered to be inefficient, we propose in this study an analysis of the possible links between the payment of IP and the efficiency of a healthcare system.In the first part of this work, we highlight a negative correlation between IPs and the efficiency of the healthcare system: high levels of IP are typically associated with poor health outcomes. We explain that it is therefore legitimate to think that a reduction in IP levels would improve the services provided or / and a reduction in health expenditure.If one wishes to reduce IPs, it seems relevant to examine the reasons that push patients and health personnel to indulge in informal payments. In the second part of this work, we explore this path from a cost-benefit analysis. Hence, four major determinants of the agent's behavior are identified: wages, physical working conditions, legal accountability and social norms. Starting from the premise that the agent will change his attitude only if a behavior of integrity gives him at least as much satisfaction as a corrupted behavior , we deduce from this some strategies likely to reduce IPs.

肅清貪污一直是政府持續推動的重要政策，雖然頗具績效，但是貪瀆之事 仍時有所聞。為徹底肅清貪污，民國七十六年曾有九十一位立法委員聯合 提出質詢，呼籲成立反貪污專責機構。他們指出，香港、新加坡原是政治 風氣腐敗之處，但分別成立廉政公署及貪污調查局，以壯士斷腕的手段大 力整頓，今日兩地政府的廉能舉世聞名，不獨贏回人民尊敬，公務員的地 位及待遇也因而大幅提高。台灣地區近幾年來選舉頻繁而且競爭激烈，選 舉經費年年暴增，這些經費要回收，因此，幫利益團體關說或憑藉特權瓜 分公共工程或為非法業者包庇請託，均為回收管道，此種結構性的貪污， 與政治有關，也是最難解決的，最令人擔心的。本文有鑑於此，爰就貪污 問題作進一步研究，並提出建議意見，盼能有助於政風之改善。

<p>The aim of this research paper is to examine the legal framework for the recovery of corruptly-acquired assets, with particular emphasis on the Nigerian situation. Its primary focus is a detailed examination of the legal mechanisms for the recovery of such assets in the context of international asset recovery. Despite the success of the Nigerian government in recovering the Abacha loot,8 siphoning off of public funds by public office holders continues, and charges of fraud persist against top bank executives alleged to have converted depositors&rsquo / funds fraudulently. The prevailing criminal or conviction-based forfeiture mechanism in Nigeria appears inadequate to deal effectively with these situations. The need to enhance capacity through the adoption of civil or non-conviction based forfeiture laws therefore becomes imperative.</p>

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

Thesis (M. Soc. Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1985.

The residents of Union City, NJ— a 1.2 square mile metropolis across the Hudson from Manhattan—are fond of taking to the task of adorning their city streets on their own. In the business sector of the city (that is to say, most of it) the business owners garnish their windows with red, white, and blue, and more often than not their decoration is accompanied by the uncomfortably warm smile of a middle-aged bespectacled Irish man. The man, so comically out of place in the majority Spanish-speaking, 82.3% Latino city, is referred to interchangeably as Mayor and State Senator Brian P. Stack. On the city’s border is official proof of his status on the “Welcome to Union City” sign, mirrored by its North Bergen, NJ counterpart and the name Nicholas Sacco: mayor, state senator, assistant superintendent of North Bergen schools, and principal of Horace Mann Elementary. For decades, New Jersey politicians have viewed multiple office holding as an integral part of the urban power structure. To rise up in the totem pole, one must collect public office jobs until rising to one high enough to stand on its own. While not particularly common in the less populated areas of the state, urban centers like the aforementioned Hudson County, Newark, and Camden have a tradition of sending their leaders off to Trenton without making them relinquish their jobs at home. And yet it was these very state legislators that passed a ban on the practice into law in February 2008. Supported by senator-turned-governor Jon Corzine, the ban passed with the support of political leaders like Stack and Sacco. On paper and in the pages of the New York Times it read like a rare and barely believable victory for political morality in what longtime NJ political journalists Bob Ingle and Sandy McClure call “The Soprano State”. If it sounded barely believable, it is probably because in practice it was not. A grandfather clause in the law keeps those currently in two positions of power safe from the wrath of the law. And since elections were held in between the passing of the law and the enacting of it, there are actually more dual office holders in the Legislature today than there were when the law was passed according to state newspaper the Star Ledger. This study intends answer several questions regarding the phenomenon of multiple office holding and its sudden “extinction” in New Jersey. I hypothesize that the introduction of such a law was merely cashing in on a long-standing bit of political credit that, due to the highly salient role of the practice in building machines, could not be touched. As the number of political bosses engaging in this practice diminished, and as the need to hold various offices lessened because of an increase in income and power from other sources, dual office holding became an obsolete relic of the 1990s political machine structures. Thus it became feasible to ban the practice with a grandfather clause for those that had established themselves through this old system, with much credit in the field of ethics to be gained by all involved—every dual office holder, legislator, and the governor himself. On a micro level, it aspires to investigate why early 2008 was an opportune time for such a law and where this grandfather clause arouse from and why. Although the tradition has existed previously in less populated areas of New Jersey, especially in the 1940s, at some point (peaking in the 1990s) dual office holding became an essential component in the structure of an urban political machine. On a macro level, this study seeks to explain the place of such a practice in the creation and maintenance of the traditional urban political machine, a structure with a lush history in New Jersey that is still alive and kicking today. It attempts to begin a dialogue with existing literature on urban politics centered around the practice of dual office holding. To do this, the study needs to paint as vivid a portrait as possible of the modern urban political machine, its bosses, and every gear that moves its structure. For this it will heavily rely on literature describing the initial development of political machines of Tammany Hall and similar structures around the country, paying especial attention to the impact of immigration, given that preliminary research is showing a pronounced impact on the system from the wave of Latino immigrants beginning with the rise of the Cuban Revolution in 1958. This new wave of immigrants appears to have jump-started the machines and replenished them with an entire new wave of fodder ready to be introduced to the patronage system post-naturalization (a matter of five years’ time). Of particular note in this body of urban political research is Steven Erie’s Rainbow’s End, which I have discovered to be the definitive work in the field of immigration and its impact on urban political machines. Working with this broad field of urban politics in mind, I also intend on illustrating in detail the specific political machine structures of the three largest urban communities in New Jersey: Newark, Camden, and the general Hudson County area (as the cities of Hudson County tend to be about 1-2 square miles in area excepting Jersey City, there is little that distinguishes one from another culturally and politically). In order to do this, I must work with data specific to the state, beginning with a database of multiple office holders over time. I have constructed this database over the course of several decades and am currently developing it in the 1930s using biographical sketches in the New Jersey Legislative Manuals published yearly in the New Jersey State Archives of Trenton. Unfortunately, this means that my research is limited to multiple office holders who have one job in the state legislature, but as all signs point to most dual office holders preferring to have a state and local job rather than two of either, I do not believe this will seriously hinder my research. Supplementary research will also come from personal stories, which I plan on gathering from interviews with those deeply involved in urban politics. The study will include interviews with multiple office holders from these regions themselves, as well as those close to them—journalists, chiefs of staff, and those receiving patronage and practicing loyalty to the leaders. The goal of this study is to shed some light on the dark, backroom world of urban politics through the lens of this one common practice among the machine leaders. This one practice, currently a topic of much controversy due to this recent law, could very well be the key to understanding the development of machines, their power over citizens and their ability to maintain themselves over such extended periods of time.