The 1909-1918 era can be regarded as the formative years of MI5, as it developed from a small counter-espionage bureau into an established security intelligence agency. MI5 had two main roles during this period; counter-espionage, and advising the War Office on how to deal with the police and the civilian population, particularly aliens. Most of the existing literature tends to focus on the development of MI5 as a whole and pays little attention to the six individual branches that constituted MI5 by the armistice. Recently released MI5 documents in The National Archives (rnA) make it possible to examine MI5 at the micro level and set out the intimate workings of its six branches. The study examines the evolution of MI5 from its formation in October 1909 to the end of the First World War in November 1918, paying particular attention to three questions. First, what did a map of the structure of the MI5 organisation look like and "how" did it develop during these years? Secondly, "why" did it develop as it did? Thirdly, "how effective" was MI5 throughout this period? MI5 began as a one-man affair in 1909, tasked with the limited remit of ascertaining the extent of Gemlan espionage in Britain and an uncertain future. By the armistice MI5's role had expanded considerably and it had begun to develop into an established security intelligence agency, with 844 personnel spread over six branches covering the investigation of espionage, prevention, records, ports and travellers, overseas, and alien workers. This study suggests that the main driver of these developments, if one key factor can be singled out, was the changing perception of the nature of the threat posed by German espionage. However, because some within official circles equated all forms of opposition to Government policy with support for Germany, increasing attention also began to be paid to the possibility that industrial umest, pacifists and others who opposed the Government might actually be being directed by a German "hidden hand". From 1917 onwards MI5's development was driven by a conviction that it had defeated German espionage, such that Germany had switched its efforts to promoting Bolshevism and other forms of umest in order to undermine British society. However, MI5's activities were restricted to investigating if there was really any enemy influence behind such things, while Special Branch was to focus on labour unrest generally. This study makes an original and useful contribution to knowledge in three noteworthy respects. First, it sets out probably the most detailed description of MI5's organisational structure available. Secondly, it poses the stimulating question of "how to measure" the effectiveness of a counter-espionage agency? Thirdly, it suggests that, contrary to claims that Vemon Kell was an "empire builder" who wanted a greater role in labour intelligence, Kell felt it appropriate that MI5's activities should be restricted to the investigation of cases of peace propaganda and sedition that arose from enemy activities and did not actually want MI5 to assume a broader role in labour intelligence at that time.

Cette thèse démontre dans quelles mesures le recours aux agents secrets permet à Londres de dissimuler ses faiblesses notamment dans ses conflits avec l’Ecosse et l’Irlande. En effet, les mouvements dissidents écossais et irlandais mettent en péril le fondement même du Royaume-Uni en remettant en cause leurs actes d’Union signés avec Londres. Le pouvoir central se base donc sur l’efficacité et la puissance de ses agents secrets pour soutenir ses forces armées. Dès le XVème siècle, les monarques anglais, avides de subterfuges, envoient beaucoup d’espions en France. Par la suite, Londres instaure des forces de police à Dublin, Edimbourg et Londres, qui lui rendent compte des moindres complots grâce à l’infiltration de détectives dans des organisations rebelles comme le Clan na Gael, un fonctionnement qui lui permet de mater les rébellions malgré l'alliance irlando-écossaise. Toutefois, Michael Collins amène Londres à négocier grâce à la guerre d’espions (1919-1921) dans laquelle il cible les agents britanniques en imitant leurs méthodes et en développant un réseau de contre-espionnage performant. A l’aube de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la neutralité de l’Eire proclamée par Éamon De Valera précipite Londres dans un jeu très dangereux de coopération, d’espionnage et de manipulation politique de l’Irlande dans lequel les relations diplomatiques jouent un rôle clé, mais où la collaboration irlandaise auprès des Alliées s’avère précieuse. Cette thèse essaie de démontrer que les conflits opposant Dublin et Edimbourg au pouvoir central poussent ce dernier à s’affirmer, à développer et professionnaliser ses services de renseignement qui, de fait, gagnent une renommée mondiale. / This dissertation illustrates to what extent the use of secret agents allows London to conceal her weaknesses more specifically in her conflicts with Scotland and Ireland. In fact, Scottish and Irish rebel movements question the very founding of the United Kingdom when they want to repel their acts of Union with London. The central power relies on the effectiveness and power of British secret agents to help the army. Since the 15th century, English kings, fond of spying games and manipulation, have sent spies to France. In the 19th century, London installs police forces in Dublin, Edinburgh and London which warn the British government of every single plot raising owing to many detectives infiltrated in rebel organizations like Clan na Gael. This operating is very efficient and permits the central government to stifle the rebellions in spite of the alliance between Ireland and Scotland. Yet, Michael Collins forces the British government to negotiate thanks to the intelligence war (1919-1921) in which his squads target the British agents in Dublin using their methods and developing a large very efficient network of spies and informants. At the beginning of the Second World War, Éamon De Valera’s declaration of Eire’s neutrality urges London to play a very dangerous game of cooperation, espionage and political manipulation with Ireland in which diplomatic relations play a key role and the Irish collaboration with the Allies turns out to be very precious. This thesis tries to demonstrate that when fighting against Scottish and Irish rebels, London must reassert its power by developing and professionalizing its intelligence services which end up with a worldwide reputation.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. / Cyberespionage is a prolific threat that undermines the power projection capacity of the United States through reduced economic prowess and a narrowing of the technical advantage employed by the American military. International attempts to limit hostile cyber activity through the development of institutions, normative patterns of behavior, or assimilation of existing laws do not provide the American national security decision maker with a timely or effective solution to address these threats. Unfortunately, the stove-piped, redundant and inefficient nature of the U.S. counterintelligence community does not deliver a viable alternative to mitigating cyberespionage in an effective manner. Instituting a domestic and international micro-restructuring approach within the Department of Defense (DoD) addresses the need for increased effectiveness within an environment of fiscal responsibility. Domestic restructuring places emphasis on developing a forcing mechanism that compels the DoD counterintelligence services to develop joint approaches for combating cyberespionage by directly addressing the needs of the Combatant Commands. International restructuring places an emphasis on expanding cybersecurity cooperation to like-minded nations and specifically explores the opportunity and challenges for increased cyber cooperation with Taiwan. This approach recognizes that Taiwan and the United States are both negatively affected from hostile cyber activity derived from within the People’s Republic of China.

由美國911事件作為分水嶺，重新界定了日本對於現代情報戰爭的認知，當今21世紀的國際社會儼然成為情報戰場，換言之，情報研究科學早已隨社會需要，發展成跨越學科範疇之複合性知識。日本二戰後在國際上先以強大的情報力穩扎經濟領域，然其后陷入失落的二十年，國際影響力亦隨之萎靡，致使日本政府遂行原有情報組織體制之調整，及相關情報政策實務之運行，皆成為安倍政權引領日本必經的荊棘之道。 本文研究重點界分四面向：其一、戰後日本國家安全機制的發展與轉變，記錄其所歷經重大事態時之因應模式，介紹其安保政策結構化之過程；其二、從內外環境分析日本成立國家安全會議之意涵，先交代「南北韓仇日遺緒」、「中國崛起論」等當今亞太局勢，分析日本國家安全保障會議何以在歷史遺題中為安保政策解套；其三、解構日本國家安全保障會議制度，分析日本政治結構與社會，研究日本國家安全保障會議在創立後，其行政職權上如何調整日本情報組織之運作；其四、以特定秘密保護法分析日本國家安全保障會議之角色，闡述安倍政權必然以情報需求達到社會控制之強化，進而實踐其安保戰略。 日本情報組織隨國際環境變化而沿革，歷經1990至2000年的轉型期後，其於2000年迄今已表現出擴張之型態。在安倍內閣的戰略藍圖中是要以首相官邸為核心，使其成為統籌國家安全保障政策之司令塔，而日本國家安全保障會議與國家安全保障局之設立，即是其鞏固中央集權，並使首相意志能主導日本復興的戰略。 / The September 11 terrorist attacks marked a watershed moment for the recognition and dispose of intelligence, in other words, the research of intelligence has become an interdisciplinary knowledge. After the Second World War, Japan has consolidated its economic power by sound espionage system. But Japan has later on lost its international impact after gone through 20-Year-Recession. This made an intractable way for Shinzo Abe to readjust and innovate the espionage system. The thesis includes four dimensions: First, focusing on the transformation of national security mechanism in Japan after the Second World War, and the structuralization of Security Policy. Second, analyzing the implication of the found of Japan’s National Security Council(NSC) from domestic and international factors. Third, destructuring the NSC , try to analyze the social and political structure in Japan. Forth, analyzing the role of NSC from the perspective of Secret Protection Law, which for Abe is a way to further control the society and carry out the security strategy. The intelligence organization in Japan proceeds as the international situation changed. Till now it has strengthened its power and influence after going through a period of transforming from 1990 to 2000. Among Abe’s strategic viewpoints, making Prime Minister’s Office as a core to unify national security is the top priority. The found of NSC and National Security Agency(NSA) is also a way for Abe to centralize the authority and to carry out his will, which can eventually lead to the revival of Japan.

Par sa durée autant que par l’ampleur des effectifs engagés, la Première Guerre mondiale pose particulièrement la question du maintien de l’ordre et de la discipline aux armées. Déployés dans la zone des armées dès la déclaration de guerre, des détachements de gendarmerie y sont réorganisés à plusieurs reprises. Après avoir dirigé la mobilisation générale, ils veillent à la fluidité et à la sécurité de la circulation et assurent la régulation du trafic. Dans les cantonnements, les gendarmes des prévôtés interviennent également pour maintenir les hommes dans l’obéissance et le respect des directives du commandement. Ils sont aussi disposés en barrage, durant la bataille, pour réprimer la désertion qu’ils traquent jusqu’à l’intérieur. Leur échoient en outre la gestion et la surveillance des prisons prévôtales, bientôt réputées être le « cauchemar » de l’arme. En certaines circonstances, et alors que sont massées des troupes en nombre considérable, leur mission s’étend au contrôle de l’hygiène et aux soins des soldats. Pourtant, à l’issue de la guerre, l’image de la gendarmerie s’est considérablement dépréciée, comme en témoigne le développement du thème des gendarmes pendus par la troupe. / Because of its long duration as much as because of the vast number of troops engaged, the First World War posed the problem of maintaining order and discipline in the French armies in a particularly acute form. The task fell in a large part to the Gendarmerie, detachments of which were stationed in the armies’ sector since the outbreak of war. On several occasions the Gendarmerie had been reorganized. After having supervised the mobilization, it provided security for army movements and was responsible for traffic control. In the troop encampments the gendarmes of the military police enforced obedience to orders and ensured the implementation of directives from the (army) command. During the battle, they were arranged in roadblocks to repress deserters, whom they pursued up to the inland. Among their duties, there was also the administration and surveillance of military prisons, a task soon recognised to be a ‘nightmare’ for the service. In certain circumstances, when large masses of troops were jam-packed together, the Gendarmerie even assumed responsibility for soldiers’ personal hygiene and welfare. However, by the end of the war, the men’s respect for the Gendarmerie had declined markedly, evidenced by the spreading of the legend of gendarmes hanged by the rank-and-file.

Dès le déclenchement de la mobilisation générale, le 2 septembre 1939, des centaines de détachements prévôtaux sont affectés aux unités françaises et aux armées alliées. Ils sont chargés, pendant les dix mois de la campagne de 1939-1940, du maintien de l’ordre sur les deux fronts métropolitains de la zone des armées : le Nord-Est et le front des Alpes. Incluse dans le système de contrainte qui pèse sur les cinq millions de mobilisés français, la gendarmerie prévôtale est appelée à remplir plusieurs missions. Elle traque les réfractaires à la mobilisation en lutant contre la désertion, les absences illégales et les violences des militaires. Elle assure également la gestion des prisons militaires tout en effectuant les transfèrements de détenus. Comme auxiliaire du commandement militaire, la prévôté veille à l’application des mesures organisant la nation en temps de guerre. Elle régule et discipline ainsi la circulation des militaires, surveille et restreint celle des civils afin de permettre la fluidité sur les routes empruntées par les troupes. La crainte d’une action subversive aux armées, amène aussi les prévôtés à prévenir et à contrecarrer les menées défaitistes. Le déclenchement des opérations actives, le 10 mai 1940, met la gendarmerie prévôtale à l’épreuve de la guerre de mouvement. Après le choc des Ardennes et la déroute des armées du Nord, elle se réorganise pour répondre aux tâches les plus urgentes : aiguiller la retraite des troupes, enrayer la panique et lutter contre les pillage. L’objectif est double : remplir une mission « ingrate » et mettre fin à la « légende noire » des prévôtés, héritée de la Première Guerre mondiale. / From the launching of general mobilization, on september 2nd 1939, hundreds of provost detachments are appointed to french units and to allied armies. They are loaded, during the ten months of the campaign of 1939-1940, the maintaining of order in the two fronts of the zone of armies: the North-East and the Alps. Included in the system of constraint which weighs on the five millions French mobilized, the provost gendarmerie is called to complete several missions. It tracks down recalcitrant to the mobilization and it struggles against desertion, irregular absences and soldiers violence. She also assures the management of the military prisons and prisoners' transferences. As assistant helper of the military command, the provost gendarmerie watches in the application of measurements organizing the nation in times of war. It regulates and disciplines the circulation of the soldiers, watches and restrains that of the civilians to allow fluidity on roads borrowed by troops. The fear of a subversive action in armies, also leads provost gendarmerie to warn and to prevent led defeatists. The launching of active operations, on may 10th, 1940, puts the provost gendarmerie in the test of the war of movement. After the shock of Ardennes and the crushing defeat of the armies of the North, it reorganizes itself to answer the most urgent tasks: direct the retirement of troops, check panic and struggle against depredation. Objective is double: commit a "ungrateful" mission and put an end to the «black legend » of the provost gendarmes, inherited from the First World war.