World Social Forum, and the worldwide appearance of regional, national and local Social Forums (SF), is an important part of the movement for global justice. The aim of this thesis is to explore how the SF as a global phenomenon is interpreted and staged locally in Sweden. Central questions are: What local meanings are given to the SF phenomenon when it is introduced and organized in a local context? What relations are created between the various actors in this organizational process in terms of coalitions and power relations? How do the SFs relate to the Swedish institutionalized popular adult education? These questions are explored in the four articles on which this thesis rests. Ethnographic field studies of local organizational processes constitute the empirical basis of theoretically informed hermeneutic interpretations. A neo-gramscian perspective is used to analyze the SF as a potentially counter-hegemonic popular education phenomenon. This perspective has been complemented by mainly two theoretical concepts, that is, framing and symbolic capital. Results demonstrate how the emergence of SFs in Sweden is characterized by a widespread desire among various activists and organizations to build coalitions. In the establishment of SFs the institutionalized popular adult education play both the role of a source of economic and material resources and of being a link between various organizations. However, in the wide and formally open organizational process, specific distinctions and hierarchies arise that might neutralize the SF’s ideological impact and its potential for counter-hegemonic coalition construction. Finally, a Swedish academic debate on the concept of “folkbildning” (popular adult education) is addressed. It is argued that there is a need to widen the scope of this debate to more frequently focus on global (popular) educational phenomena (such as the social forums) in research on “folkbildning”, and not only pay attention to “typical” national or Nordic institutions and traditions.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-14T10:58:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 diovanapauladejesus.pdf: 921445 bytes, checksum: 6fe8e551bbc44cafae07b76763a6cd1d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-14T15:49:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 diovanapauladejesus.pdf: 921445 bytes, checksum: 6fe8e551bbc44cafae07b76763a6cd1d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-14T15:49:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 diovanapauladejesus.pdf: 921445 bytes, checksum: 6fe8e551bbc44cafae07b76763a6cd1d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-08 / A presente dissertação propõe uma análise sobre o contexto contemporâneo de internacionalização da educação superior por meio de um Programa de Cooperação Internacional, na área de Educação, entre Brasil e Moçambique. Em uma situação de globalização que influi decisivamente em todos os setores da vida social dos indivíduos, o seu impacto nos processos educativos de formação superior constitui a motivação das reflexões aqui apresentadas. Com a intenção de fazer uma conexão entre a crescente demanda por formação profissional e acadêmica e o acelerado desenvolvimento de cursos na modalidade a distância, estuda-se a capacidade de conjugar tais características em um projeto de Cooperação Internacional que possa atender, efetivamente, as necessidades de determinada área ou público. O objeto do trabalho é o processo de implementação dos cursos do Programa de Apoio à Expansão da Educação Superior a Distância da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Universidade Aberta do Brasil (UAB) na República de Moçambique, a partir de análise documental e realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas. Questionando, especificamente, qual a potencialidade dessas iniciativas de cooperação do governo brasileiro, agora agente ativo na cooperação internacional, o objetivo da pesquisa é, justamente, o de analisar o processo de implementação do Programa, partindo de um enfoque ligado à internacionalização da educação para entender o contexto dessa implementação por meio do conceito de práticas de Cooperação subjacente às relações entre os parceiros. A partir de apontamentos iniciais dos dados levantados, o trabalho tende a se orientar para as dificuldades de pensar efetivamente em uma proposta de colaboração que, como orienta Boaventura de Souza Santos, leve à construção de um conhecimento pluriuniversitário. / This thesis proposes an analysis of the contemporary context of internationalization of higher education through an International Cooperation Program in the area of Education, between Brazil and Mozambique. In a context of globalization that has a decisive influence in all sectors of social life of individuals, their impact on the educational process of higher education is the motivation of the comments submitted here. Meant to make a connection between the growing demand for professional and academic formation and the accelerated development of courses in distance mode, we study the ability to conjugate these characteristics in an International Cooperation Program that can attend effectively the needs of specific area or public. The object of this work is the implementation process of the courses to Support Expansion of Higher Distance Education Program from the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / UniversidadeAberta do Brasil (UAB) in Republic of Mozambique, from documental analysis and semi-structured interviews. Questioning specifically what the potential of these Brazilian government cooperation initiatives, now active agent in international cooperation, the research objective is precisely to analyze the implementation process of the program, from a focus connected to the internationalization of education, to understand the context this implementation through the concept and subjacent cooperation practices to relations between the partners. From initial notes of the data collected, the work tends to be a guide to the difficulties of effectively thinking of a collaborative proposal, as guides Boaventura de Souza Santos, take the construction of a multi university knowledge.

Na cidade de são Paulo tem-se apresentado a intensificação das contradições socioespaciais, principalmente no que diz respeito ao processo de inclusão ao urbano, vivido pelos moradores das periferias da cidade. Muitas vezes a condição de precariedade dessa inclusão é ilusoriamente \"atenuada\" pelo consumo de produtos culturais de caráter espetáculo-midiático. No entanto, estes produtos não dialogam com a realidade vivenciada nas periferias, incutindo principalmente, nos jovens um sentimento de marginalização. Como forma de se contrapor a este processo, estes passam a produzir bens culturais repletos de significação. Essa produção cultural se dá através de coletivos culturais localizados nas periferias, que na maioria das vezes não são vinculados a nenhum agente cultural hegemônico. Dessa forma, estes coletivos se contrapõem e superam as determinações da homogeneização e padronização capitalista dos bens culturais, permitindo uma autoconscientização, bem como, situam e inserem de forma crítica o sujeito na sociedade. Promovem assim, relações sociais emancipatórias, levando os sujeitos envolvidos a atribuírem novos significados e valores aos elementos que constituem sua existência, como o espaço urbano, que passa a ser vivido. Nesse contexto, os coletivos culturais ganham importância. Portanto, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo o estudo da ressignificação espacial mediada pela produção e circulação de cultura contra-hegemônica nas periferias da cidade de São Paulo. / The city of São Paulo has the intensification of socio-spatial contradictions, especially with regard to the process of including urban, experienced by the residents of the suburbs of the city. Often the precariousness of this inclusion is deceptively \"attenuated\" by the consumption of cultural products show-media character. However, these products do not dialogue with the reality experienced in the peripheries, especially instilling in young people a sense of marginalization. As a way to counteract this process, they start to produce full cultural signification. This cultural production occurs through cultural collective located in the periphery, which in most cases are not linked to any hegemonic cultural agent. Thus, these collective oppose and outweigh the determinations of capitalist homogenization and standardization of cultural property, allowing a self-awareness as well, lie and enter critically in the subject company. Promote so emancipatory social relations, leading those involved to attach new meanings and values to the elements that constitute its existence, how urban space, which happens to be lived. In this context, the cultural collective gain importance. Therefore, this research aims to study the spatial ressignification mediated by the production and circulation of counter-hegemonic culture in the periphery of the city of São Paulo.

Submitted by Jadson Francisco de Jesus SILVA (jadson@uefs.br) on 2018-02-22T23:13:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Miranda - PPGE-UEFS.pdf: 3098631 bytes, checksum: 60cc9992838949bbe42aa38f4b8675b8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-22T23:13:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Miranda - PPGE-UEFS.pdf: 3098631 bytes, checksum: 60cc9992838949bbe42aa38f4b8675b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-07 / This essay?s research subject is the project developed by the National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform (PRONERA), which is into the public politics for rural education, through a partnership with the State University of Feira de Santana (UEFS), Foundation for Research, Education and Culture (FAPEC), Ministry of Agrarian Development (MDA), Regional Superintendence of the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA), Federation of Agricultural Workers in Bahia State (FETAG-BA) and the Rural Pastoral of Paulo Afonso Diocese in the modality of youth and adult literacy from 2005 to 2008. This research discussed the process of construction and development of the project, pursuing the understanding of how the program counter-hegemonic proposal was concretized. Based on the critical theory, the references used were Gramsci (1989, 2007), Ribeiro (2010) and Caldart (2004, 2009), that supported the analysis categories Counter-hegemony and Rural Education, establishing the research profile. Based on the qualitative methodology, a documentary research was used from the content analysis, which served as documents produced by the partners from PRONERA/UEFS, such as the project main text, the institution and supporting team evaluation reports, the text of interinstitutionally established agreement, the PRONERA study modules, in addition to the Program Operational Manuals. Among other findings, it was verified that the PRONERA/UEFS project, when guided in a conception of constructivist education (related to international guidelines for education in the twenty-first century, created by ONU and UNESCO), stood apart from the rural educational political principles. It denied, in a contrasting way, the origin of the educational proposal brought up from the rural social struggles in the last decades of the twentieth century. It was also verified a great number of contradictions related to the participation and role of the representatives in the triad of social movements, Incra and university on the process of implementation and proposal development, which brought implications for a satisfactory proposal implementation in its essence. These conditions risked the concept of rural education on the learning proposal, as well as the emancipatory potential, which PRONERA defends as a counter-hegemonic project from/to the social rural struggles. / O presente trabalho tem como objeto de pesquisa o projeto desenvolvido por meio Programa Nacional de Educa??o na Reforma Agr?ria (PRONERA), que se encontra dentro das pol?ticas p?blicas para a Educa??o do Campo, atrav?s da parceria entre a Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana (UEFS), a Funda??o de Apoio ? Pesquisa, Ensino e Cultura (FAPEC), o Minist?rio do Desenvolvimento Agr?rio (MDA), a Superintend?ncia Regional do Instituto Nacional de Coloniza??o e Reforma Agr?ria (INCRA), Federa??o dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura no Estado da Bahia (FETAG-BA) e a Pastoral Rural da Diocese de Paulo Afonso, na modalidade de alfabetiza??o de Jovens e Adultos, no per?odo de 2005 a 2008. A pesquisa problematizou o processo de constru??o e desenvolvimento do projeto, buscando compreender em que medida se concretizou a suposta proposta contra-hegem?nica do programa. A partir da teoria cr?tica, foram utilizadas refer?ncias como Gramsci (1989, 2007), Ribeiro (2010) e Caldart (2004, 2009), que respaldaram as categorias de an?lise Contra-hegemonia e Educa??o do Campo, demarcando o recorte de classe da pesquisa. Baseando-se na metodologia qualitativa, foi utilizada a pesquisa documental a partir da an?lise de conte?do, servindo-se de documentos produzidos pelos parceiros do PRONERA/UEFS como por exemplo, o texto base do Projeto, os relat?rios avaliativos das institui??es e equipes envolvidas ao longo do percurso, o texto do conv?nio estabelecido interinstitucionalmente, os m?dulos de estudo do PRONERA, al?m das Manuais de Opera??es do programa. Constatou-se entre outras coisas, que o projeto do PRONERA/UEFS, ao pautar-se em uma concep??o de educa??o construtivista (relacionada ?s diretrizes internacionais para a educa??o do s?culo XXI criadas pela ONU e UNESCO), distanciou-se dos princ?pios pol?ticos pedag?gicos da educa??o do campo, negando de forma contradit?ria, a g?nese da proposta educacional nascida com as lutas sociais do campo nas ?ltimas d?cadas do s?culo XX. Constatou-se tamb?m in?meras contradi??es na participa??o e papel dos representantes da tr?ade movimentos sociais, Incra e universidade no processo de implementa??o e desenvolvimento da proposta, que trouxeram implica??es para uma satisfat?ria execu??o da proposta em sua ess?ncia. Tais contradi??es colocaram sob risco a concep??o de educa??o do campo na proposta educacional, assim como o potencial emancipat?rio que o PRONERA defende enquanto projeto contra hegem?nico de/para as lutas sociais no/do campo.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T16:16:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Deise de Oliveira da Silva.pdf: 4318330 bytes, checksum: f6687d847ba58ff46722760261855aad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-23 / This paper deals with the efforts for the Santo André (SP) municipal school net democratization and the public policies implemented for the achievement of that goal from 1997 to 2008, focusing on the political pedagogical project construction as democratic alternative and trying to identify the creation of mechanisms that supported this construction. With a qualitative character, the research developed a fieldwork ruled by the investigation of documents published in that period, conducted interviews, applied questionnaires and used focal groups, so that data provided a theoretic reflection and a dialogic analysis on the chosen thematic. A bibliographical study was founded on the ideas of Antonio Gramsci, the cultural hegemony theorist, who inspired the democratization-bound march. All the wa y long, this research tries to find a counter-hegemonic movement that signalizes possible changes in school and its contribution to a democratic space construction. The elaboration, following and evaluation of the political pedagogical project as a dialog reference are discussed on the grounds of "deal quality" concept, with Luiz Carlos de Freitas contributions. Another resource was the contributions of academically acknowledged authors with researches on the same subject, exposing the contradictory and conflictive dynamics for participative processes instauration, in a country withauthoritarian tradition such as Brazil. Data analysis allowed presenting and recognizing the boundaries of school management, historically centralized and hierarchical, observing in the process the creation of participating mechanisms for the construction of a new school management culture. The research elucidates the importance of a sociability place construction a place of struggle, according Gramsci, and of frontier, according Freitas , a space that allows the creation of social action possibilities constructed by both political and civil societies.(AU0 / Este estudo aborda os esforços para a democratização das escolas da rede municipal de Santo André (SP) e as políticas públicas implementadas para atingir esse fim no período de 1997 a 2008, tendo como foco principal a construção do projeto político pedagógico como alternativa democrática e buscando identificar a criação de mecanismos que corroboraram com essa construção. De caráter qualitativo, a pesquisa desenvolveu um trabalho de campo pautado na investigação dos documentos produzidos no período, realizou entrevistas, aplicou questionários e utilizaram-se grupos focais, a fim de que os dados possibilitassem uma reflexão teórica e uma análise dialogal sobre a temática escolhida. Apresenta-se um estudo bibliográfico ancorado nas idéias de Antonio Gramsci, o teórico da hegemonia cultural, que inspirou a caminhada em direção à democratização. Procura-se encontrar, ao longo desta pesquisa, o movimento contra-hegemônico que possa indicar sinais de possíveis mudanças na escola e sua contribuição com a construção de um espaço democrático. O projeto político pedagógico é visto como referência para o diálogo, e discutem-se sua elaboração, acompanhamento e avaliação com base no conceito de "qualidade negociada" a partir das contribuições de Luiz Carlos de Freitas. Também se expõem contribuições de autores econhecidos no meio acadêmico que pesquisam a temática em pauta, trazendo à tona a dinâmica contraditória e conflituosa para a instauração de processos participativos em um país de tradição autoritária como o Brasil. A análise dos dados permitiu apresentar e reconhecer os limites da gestão escolar historicamente centralizada e hierarquizada, observando neste processo a criação de mecanismos de participação para que uma nova cultura de gestão da escola seja construída. A pesquisa elucida a importância da construção do lugar do convívio ou seja, de luta, segundo Gramsci, e de fronteira, segundo Freitas , espaço que pode permitir a criação das possibilidades de atuação social construídas pela sociedade política e pela sociedade civil.(AU)

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:09:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1634523 bytes, checksum: 245a8ec0c2cac2e99931236729f763b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work has as its object of study the school board as a possibility for democratization of the management of the public school in the prospect of building a democracy to counter-hegemonic liberal model, which has community as its core/spindle. The work was theoretical and methodological supported by procedures mentioned by Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009), such as the sociology of absences, the sociology of emergences and translation work. The research seeks to answer the following question: before the clashes, advances and retreats around the construction of democracy in Brazil, had the School Board constituted a possibility of democratization of the management of public schools, from the community? We start from the assumption that knowledge silenced in the global South are produced as nonexistent, requiring ecology of knowledge and procedure of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences to elicit it, generating a range of other learning with ability to think better and possible future. All knowledge, evidenced from the sociology of absences and sociology of emergencies, need to talk to another, becoming an intercultural dialogue possible made intelligible through the work of translation. Based on this theoretical and methodological framework, we analyze the experience of the School Board at a public school in the João Pessoa s municipal education network where signals realize the political potential of the individuals who make up the community through the School Board, constituting itself as a possibility of building a democracy to counter-hegemonic liberal model of management of public schools. This is a qualitative research, with the empirical field of a school Municipal João Pessoa-PB, whose experience of School Board signals evidence of democratic practices in the performance of board members. As instruments for data collection we used semi-structured interviews, observation and field diary, taking as reference the performance possibilities of the council as a political instrument magnification of emancipatory practices of democratic participation, signaling the possibility of democratic management public school. We start from the understanding of the community categories, democracy and democracy counter-hegemonic, with investments in Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009). Democratic management according to Paro (2000), Cury (2002), Freitas (2007) and Andrade (2011). School boards in the perspective of Adrião; Campbell (2001), Werle (2003) and Marques (2011). From this perspective, the School Board, here understood as a political instrument of democratic management of public schools articulated to the school community, is a possibility not yet fully explored, in view of the regulatory community pillar, within the paradigm of Western modernity, pointed out by Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009) / This work has as its object of study the school board as a possibility for democratization of the management of the public school in the prospect of building a democracy to counter-hegemonic liberal model, which has community as its core/spindle. The work was theoretical and methodological supported by procedures mentioned by Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009), such as the sociology of absences, the sociology of emergences and translation work. The research seeks to answer the following question: before the clashes, advances and retreats around the construction of democracy in Brazil, had the School Board constituted a possibility of democratization of the management of public schools, from the community? We start from the assumption that knowledge silenced in the global South are produced as nonexistent, requiring ecology of knowledge and procedure of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences to elicit it, generating a range of other learning with ability to think better and possible future. All knowledge, evidenced from the sociology of absences and sociology of emergencies, need to talk to another, becoming an intercultural dialogue possible made intelligible through the work of translation. Based on this theoretical and methodological framework, we analyze the experience of the School Board at a public school in the João Pessoa s municipal education network where signals realize the political potential of the individuals who make up the community through the School Board, constituting itself as a possibility of building a democracy to counter-hegemonic liberal model of management of public schools. This is a qualitative research, with the empirical field of a school Municipal João Pessoa-PB, whose experience of School Board signals evidence of democratic practices in the performance of board members. As instruments for data collection we used semi-structured interviews, observation and field diary, taking as reference the performance possibilities of the council as a political instrument magnification of emancipatory practices of democratic participation, signaling the possibility of democratic management public school. We start from the understanding of the community categories, democracy and democracy counter-hegemonic, with investments in Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009). Democratic management according to Paro (2000), Cury (2002), Freitas (2007) and Andrade (2011). School boards in the perspective of Adrião; Campbell (2001), Werle (2003) and Marques (2011). From this perspective, the School Board, here understood as a political instrument of democratic management of public schools articulated to the school community, is a possibility not yet fully explored, in view of the regulatory community pillar, within the paradigm of Western modernity, pointed out by Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009)

This study aims to investigate the pretension of the MST of forge a Pedagogy course in universities able to incorporate the popular struggle for land for the formation of ―organic intellectuals of the movement of the field‖, which should contribute to the construction of a popular education project, whose final goal was the individual and collective emancipation towards a new project for Brazil. Motivated by the need to face a depth reflection political-pedagogical, we seek transcending the appearance of the phenomena observed, to dive into their essence, investigating about the limits and possibilities of constructing a counter-hegemonic education in Pedagogy courses offered at public universities to the landless. We tread for a Marxian perspective of the analysis, electing as explanatory categories the totality and the contradiction. The empirical field is the work of pedagogues of the land in their communities, at the schools or Departments of Education, in the Education Sector of the MST, in defense of rural education and school articulated to "pedagogy of movement" in the agrarian reform settlements of Sergipe. We use as instruments for data collection the interview, the focal group and also we resorted to documentary sources. Understanding the relationship education-work as a basic category of construction of human emancipation we elected work as category analysis. The work in their multiple determinations, since work as an educational principle, claimed by social movements as central theme of the Pedagogy course, as work materialized in the action of the rural pedagogue, while produces the education of the field and reproduces its own survival. Somehow, it is possible to say, as a result, always partial, that this mismatch between universities and social movements, it was important from the standpoint political and pedagogical. If we do not produce a "new type of intellectual" at least we understand the possibilities that we must develop methodologies to that workers can approach the world of knowledge. Since Gramsci the knowledge must be a conquest which student is mobilized to do it. This mobilization is produced in the daily, in real life, in social practice, so it has a class character. Rural workers arrive to university mobilized by the political practice organizational of their movements, to the university would fit to invest in processes of knowledge acquisition through investigation-action as established in the critical currents of teacher training, methodological option capable of producing knowledge as revolutionary praxis. / Esse trabalho tem como objetivo investigar sobre a pretensão do MST de forjar um curso de Pedagogia nas universidades capaz de incorporar a luta popular pela terra para formação dos ―intelectuais orgânicos do movimento do campo‖, que deveriam contribuir para a construção de um projeto de educação popular, cujo fim último fosse a emancipação individual e coletiva em direção a um novo projeto de Brasil. Movidos pela necessidade de enfrentar uma reflexão aprofundada de cunho político-pedagógico, buscamos transcender a aparência dos fenômenos observados, para mergulhar na essência deles, investigando sobre os limites e possibilidades, de construção de uma educação contra-hegemônica nos cursos de Pedagogia ofertados nas universidades públicas para os sem-terra. Trilhamos por uma perspectiva de análise marxiana, elegendo como categorias explicativas a contradição e a totalidade. O campo empírico é o trabalho dos pedagogos da terra nas suas comunidades, nas escolas ou secretarias de educação, no Setor de Educação do MST ,em defesa da educação do campo e da escola articulada à ―pedagogia do movimento‖ nos assentamentos de reforma agrária de Sergipe. Utilizamos como instrumentos de coleta de dados a entrevista, o grupo focal e também recorremos às fontes documentais. Entendendo a relação educação-trabalho como categoria fundante da construção da emancipação humana elegemos o trabalho como categoria de análise. O trabalho nas suas múltiplas determinações, desde o trabalho como princípio educativo, reivindicado pelos movimentos sociais como eixo articulador do curso de Pedagogia, quanto o trabalho materializado na ação do pedagogo da terra, enquanto produz a educação do campo e reproduz a sua própria sobrevivência. De certo modo, é possível dizer, como resultado, sempre parcial, no que diz respeito à formação do pedagogo da terra, que são as tendências contra-hegemônicas que marcam o campo específico da Pedagogia da Terra, porque tomam o fenômeno educativo como formação humana, reconhecem o caráter de classe do saber social e a necessária articulação entre a prática produtiva, a prática política e a atividade científica, para avançar na direção de forjar uma pedagogia emancipatória, no contexto de uma sociedade capitalista. Se há mais limites do que possibilidades de produzirmos um ―intelectual de novo tipo‖ no curso de Pedagogia, ao menos compreendemos as possibilidades que temos de formular metodologias para que os trabalhadores possam se aproximar do mundo do conhecimento e, como preceituam as correntes críticas da formação de professores, produzirem conhecimento como práxis revolucionária.

Na cidade de são Paulo tem-se apresentado a intensificação das contradições socioespaciais, principalmente no que diz respeito ao processo de inclusão ao urbano, vivido pelos moradores das periferias da cidade. Muitas vezes a condição de precariedade dessa inclusão é ilusoriamente \"atenuada\" pelo consumo de produtos culturais de caráter espetáculo-midiático. No entanto, estes produtos não dialogam com a realidade vivenciada nas periferias, incutindo principalmente, nos jovens um sentimento de marginalização. Como forma de se contrapor a este processo, estes passam a produzir bens culturais repletos de significação. Essa produção cultural se dá através de coletivos culturais localizados nas periferias, que na maioria das vezes não são vinculados a nenhum agente cultural hegemônico. Dessa forma, estes coletivos se contrapõem e superam as determinações da homogeneização e padronização capitalista dos bens culturais, permitindo uma autoconscientização, bem como, situam e inserem de forma crítica o sujeito na sociedade. Promovem assim, relações sociais emancipatórias, levando os sujeitos envolvidos a atribuírem novos significados e valores aos elementos que constituem sua existência, como o espaço urbano, que passa a ser vivido. Nesse contexto, os coletivos culturais ganham importância. Portanto, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo o estudo da ressignificação espacial mediada pela produção e circulação de cultura contra-hegemônica nas periferias da cidade de São Paulo. / The city of São Paulo has the intensification of socio-spatial contradictions, especially with regard to the process of including urban, experienced by the residents of the suburbs of the city. Often the precariousness of this inclusion is deceptively \"attenuated\" by the consumption of cultural products show-media character. However, these products do not dialogue with the reality experienced in the peripheries, especially instilling in young people a sense of marginalization. As a way to counteract this process, they start to produce full cultural signification. This cultural production occurs through cultural collective located in the periphery, which in most cases are not linked to any hegemonic cultural agent. Thus, these collective oppose and outweigh the determinations of capitalist homogenization and standardization of cultural property, allowing a self-awareness as well, lie and enter critically in the subject company. Promote so emancipatory social relations, leading those involved to attach new meanings and values to the elements that constitute its existence, how urban space, which happens to be lived. In this context, the cultural collective gain importance. Therefore, this research aims to study the spatial ressignification mediated by the production and circulation of counter-hegemonic culture in the periphery of the city of São Paulo.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) should have been a 'game- changer' and a boost for the EU economy by creating more jobs and growth in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. By eliminating the remaining trade barriers, it would have established a transatlantic trade area connecting the two most powerful economies in the world. This Master's thesis utilizes four concepts of the neo-Marxist theory: key premises of the Amsterdam School, State theory of Bob Jessop and Nicos Poulantzas, combines Ulrich Beck's notion of risk society with Antonio Gramsci's role of intellectuals, and outlines the premise of commodification as a part of political ecology. The theoretical neo-Marxist prism facilitates the mapping of the crucial social agents functioning as the proponents of the TTIP agenda as a hegemonic project and those forces opposing the deal as a counter-hegemonic movement. This thesis reveals how the TTIP agreement was legitimized by the proponents but issues of transparency and other contradictions revolving around the deal attracted the attention of various civil society organizations (CSOs) that were concerned about TTIP's impact on public health and environment. Three empirical cases focusing on the precautionary principle (PP), endocrine disrupting chemicals (EDCs),...

Anti-hegemonic social movements have historically had a complicated and conflicting relationship with mainstream media, as it consistently undermines the emancipatory potential of these grassroots revolutionary movements, hence serving the interests of the dominant social forces of the hegemonic order. This work develops a comprehensive and critical analysis of the agency of mainstream media throughout the coverage of Occupy Wall Street (OWS) to understand how and why it consciously and relentlessly worked to neutralize the true dimension of the movement and its occupations, and thus to preserve the neoliberal capitalist world order from the ideological threat and the revolutionary challenge that OWS posed to it. Employing a historical materialist approach based on Gramsci's theory of hegemony - and the emphasis in the consensual aspect of power in the production of the hegemony that it entails - and its use in the study of world orders grounded in social relations, this work aims to investigate the mainstream media's active role in the building of the current neoliberal capitalist historic bloc, and its subservience to the hegemonic social forces throughout every stage of the coverage of OWS and its occupations: from the deliberate lack of interest and the total indifference in the movement to the...