O objetivo geral da pesquisa é estudar os critérios utilizados pelas empresas para a escolha dos projetos de artes cênicas patrocinados via isenção fiscal da Lei Rouanet. O objetivo específico é mostrar como os parâmetros de visibilidade midiática, relação custo-benefício, endomarketing, marketing de relacionamento e de negócios e oportunidades de comunicação com públicos de interesse (funcionários, clientes, consumidores, comunidade de entorno) valorizam atores e diretores consagrados pela mídia em detrimento de autores e diretores e atores desconhecidos da mídia, o que dificulta o acesso das produções teatrais experimentais e de pesquisa aos recursos de renúncia fiscal da Lei Rouanet. A Lei Rouanet foi instituída em um contexto neoliberal do Brasil no qual o Estado transferiu à iniciativa privada a viabilização da produção artística que passa a ser avaliada segundo sua potencialidade de se transformar em mercadoria e conquistar novos consumidores com o objetivo de gerar lucro para as empresas. Entrevistamos representantes de empresas privadas e públicas, diretores de projetos patrocinados e inviabilizados por meio da Lei Rouanet e fizemos um levantamento das peças de teatro patrocinadas no ano de 2011 por meio da renúncia fiscal e concluímos que existe uma concentração de recursos de isenção fiscal em produções da Broadway e em atores e diretores consagrados pela mídia em detrimento de autores e diretores e atores desconhecidos da imprensa. Dessa forma, as grandes empresas beneficiam espetáculos que dão retorno financeiro e de marketing institucional, a cultura do entretenimento que busca divertir e agradar ao \"grande público\". Pesquisa do Ministério da Cultura afirmou que existe uma concentração de 50% dos recursos em apenas 3% dos proponentes. Dessa forma, identificamos o conceito de censura de mercado que age em duas vertentes processuais de censura: na primeira, a restrição à produção artística com assuntos polêmicos impede que significados, valores e sentimentos divergentes da convenção social sejam levados ao público, na segunda, exclui as produções teatrais experimentais e de pesquisa do acesso aos recursos públicos da Lei Rouanet, pois essas expressões artísticas possuem imprevisibilidade de bilheteria, de crítica, público e rendimento. / The overall objective of the research is to study the criteria used by companies to the choice of performing arts projects sponsored via tax exemption of Rouanet Law. The specific objective is to show how the media visibility of parameters, cost-effective, internal marketing, relationship marketing and business opportunities and communication with stakeholders (employees, customers, consumers, surrounding community) value embodied by actors and directors media at the expense of authors and directors and media unknowns, which hinders the access of experimental theater productions and research to fiscal waiver resources Rouanet Law. The Rouanet Law was instituted in a neoliberal context of Brazil in which the State transferred to the private sector the viability of artistic production which happens to be evaluated according to their potential to transform into merchandise and win new customers in order to generate profit for companies. We interviewed representatives of private and public companies, sponsored project managers and made impossible through the Rouanet Law and made a survey of theater plays sponsored in 2011 through tax breaks and concluded that there is a concentration of tax exemption resources in production Broadway actors and directors and consecrated by the media to the detriment of authors and directors and unknown actors of the press. Thus, large companies benefit performances that give financial and institutional marketing return, the entertainment culture that seeks to entertain and please the \"general public\". Research the Ministry of Culture affirmed that there is a concentration of 50% of the resources in only 3% of the proposers. Thus, we identified the concept of market censorship acting on two procedural aspects of censorship: first, the restriction of artistic production with controversial issues prevents meanings, values and divergent feelings of social convention are brought to the public. In the second excludes experimental theater productions and research theater access to public resources of the Rouanet Law, for these artistic expressions have unpredictable box office, critical, audience and revenue.

Introduction. The aim of this thesis is to examine how Swedish private archival institutions perceive the possibility of being included in the Archival Law. At present the Archival Law of 1990 only applies to official documents from the public sector. Recently however a proposal to change the legislation so that it in part also applies to private archives has been made in the newly published Archival Inquiry commissioned by the government. A more far-reaching proposal to include the private archives in the law has also been made by the Swedish National Archives. Method. We conducted a qualitative research study using semi-structured interviews with 10 informants from 8 different private archival institutions in Sweden. Analysis. By presenting what has been said regarding legislation for private archives in previous archival inquiries, government propositions and other official reports we frame the idea of legislation for private archives by putting it in its culturalpolitical context. An important concept that permeates this thesis is the concept of cultural heritage and how it relates to private archives. The transcriptions from the interviews were analysed by the use of force-field analysis which has its roots in Karl Lewin’s field theory. Results. By collecting the informants thoughts concerning a new legislation for private archives and analysing them as forces working for (driving forces) and against (restraining forces) change we show the complexities surrounding this issue. Conclusion. In many cases uncertainty of what the consequences of the new legislation will be for the private archival institutions prevents them from supporting the change. Our informants also feel that the Swedish National Archives has a top-down perspective which prevents them from listening to and learn from the private sectors experiences. Collaboration between the public and the private sector seems to be the way forward. This is a two years master’s thesis in Archival Science

This study examines a selection of library grant applications submitted to the Swedish Arts Council from two regions, Stockholm and Dalarna, during the period of 2018-2022. Employing content and document analysis, the essay investigates how the 20 applications for library grants address questions related to local needs, norm criticism, accessibility, and long-term impact. Through comparative analysis with relevant paragraphs from the Swedish library law, it becomes evident that the application responses closely align with the stipulations outlined in the law, and other governing documents. Additionally, this essay argues that the formulation of application questions restricts applicants from freely expressing their needs and ideas, potentially indicating control exerted by the Swedish government, specifically through the Swedish Arts Council, over local library operations and municipal cultural politics. This is a two-year master's thesis in Library and Information Science.

(in English): This paper follows the ways in which the latest wave of ukrainization impacts Ukrainian pop culture. The attention is brought upon domestic cultural politics, in particular the aspects which aim to support the Ukrainian language in entertainment sector. The paper then exposes the public discussion about official quotas for usage of Ukrainian language in radio and television. Part of the work is dedicated to the problem of language question from Ukrainian musicians perspective on the example of Ukrainian language band Skryabin and Russian speaking band Green Grey.

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School safety is widely recognized as an ongoing problem in United States public schools. Guided by the New Right, the school safety problem has been framed as an issue of school crime, violence, and student misbehavior that is best mitigated by zero tolerance policies. This stance has emerged as an agenda that has proven disproportionately detrimental to poor urban students of color who have experienced unforeseen levels of punishment since the Gun Free Schools Act of 1994 endorsed zero tolerance. Despite mounting evidence that zero tolerance approaches to discipline do little to deter school crime and violence or make schools safe, little ground has been gained in interrupting the ideology, policies, practices, and discourses of the zero tolerance agenda. The dissertation study theorizes and explores how ideology, cultural-politics, and discourse foster the tendency for policy creation and codification to legitimize the New Right's official knowledge of zero tolerance ideology and policy as a panacea for the school safety problem. To accomplish this, I conducted an ethnographic content analysis of codes of student conduct to examine the imbued ideologies, discourses, and policy changes that emerge from the cultural politics of managing school discipline over the last 15 years. Through this process, I lend empirical credence to the concepts of net-widening and net-deepening. With these guiding concepts, I push the field beyond the zero tolerance discourse on school safety and discipline to establish a generative alternative to understanding school discipline policies called the school discipline net framework. The results of the study establish a precedent for thinking more deeply and creatively about the perils and possibilities of school discipline policies. Major findings include the identification of several school policy changes that make the discipline experience both increasingly likely and potentially more punitive for students. Finally, through substantiating the school discipline net as a framework for discoursing, researching, guiding policy creation, and recognizing and locating sites of agency, this work establishes that it is indeed possible to engage issues critical in the field in ways that can transfer into the highly politicized school policy context dominated by New Right ideologies and discourses. / Urban Education

This dissertation focuses on a recent but growing movement in Argentina, state-sponsored formal institutions of popular music education. The musics taught in these schools – tango, jazz, and Argentine folk idioms – have historically been excluded from the country’s formal music education systems. Recent moves to standardize and legitimize these musics in this new institutional context raise questions of canon formation, pedagogical praxis, aesthetics and musical meaning that have implications far beyond the classrooms where they are implemented. I examine two of these schools based in and around the capital city of Buenos Aires: the Escuela de Música Popular de Avellaneda, and the Tango and Folklore department of the Conservatorio Superior de Música “Manuel de Falla.” I adopt an ethnographic approach that considers broad structural and policy issues of power distribution, state intervention, and cultural nationalism. I also examine how these structures play out in discourse and practice within and beyond the classroom, shaped by and in turn shaping students’ and teachers’ aesthetics, politics, and subject positions. I then analyze the output of several musical groups composed of current students and recent graduates of these programs, exploring the notion of an emerging institutional aesthetic and the extent to which these institutions act as homogenizing influences or engender creative divergence. Finally, applying Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of a field of cultural production, I question the extent to which this new “música popular” is truly popular, ultimately arguing that it occupies a sort of third space between mass culture and high culture, replicating some avant-garde assumptions about the role of art as anti-commercial, yet simultaneously embracing a symbolic economy that valorizes populist and subaltern identities and ideologies. / text

The topic of my thesis focuses on the phenomenon of popular music in the area of Central Europe, which in the 20th century had been characterized by the presence of the ruling Communist ideology. The work will be based primarily on popular music and its changes in the 70s and 80s of 20th century in Hungary. The issue will be approached from cultural- historical perspective and its focus will be tension between the official cultural program and the need to respond to the requirements of the recipient at the time. Basic structure consists of the situation in Hungary, which will be compared to the situation in Czechoslovakia, there will be outlined the main common points that have an impact on Central European culture and politics, as well as the specifics of the Hungarian situation. Also the relation to the export of Hungarian popular music abroad will be mentioned.

O presente trabalho pretende deter-se na análise da gestão cultural implementada pela Secretaria Municipal de Cultura da cidade de São Paulo - SMCSP, no período de 1989 a 1992. Analisar o Projeto Cidadania Cultural proposto pela então Secretária Marilena Chauí, e identificar as diretrizes de sua política pública para a cultura. Esse projeto pretendia criar mecanismos de autoorganização dos cidadãos paulistanos, para que estes fossem partícipes do fazer cultural. Constatou-se que, embora a cidade de São Paulo tenha sido transformada em um \"laboratório de experiências culturais\" do Partido dos Trabalhadores, com a intenção de substituir o \"clientelismo pluralista\" pelo \"participacionismo popular\", esse objetivo não foi alcançado. / This work concerns about the analysis of the cultural management implemented by the Secretaria Municipal de Cultura (Municipal Department of Culture) of São Paulo city - SMCSP, from 1989 to 1992. It intends to analyze the Projeto Cidadania Cultural (Cultural Citizenship Project) proposed by Secretary Marilena Chauí, and to identify the guidelines of her public policy on culture. This project aimed to create self-organization mechanisms for São Paulo\'s citizens, so those could be part of the cultural making-process. It was established that, although the city of São Paulo had been transformed into a \"laboratory of cultural experiments\" of the Workers Party, with the intention of substituting the \"pluralist clientelism\" for the \"popular participationism\", this goal has not been achieved.