This dissertation addresses the question of the foreign policy views of the leading spokespeople for the Religious Right in the United States since the end of World War II. The analysis begins with the early years of the Cold War, focusing on the religious overtones that quickly became part of America's efforts at confronting Soviet communism. The fight against "godless" communism led to an increased emphasis on the religious character of the United States. This emphasis on religion elevated the prestige of religious conservatives, granting them a voice in both domestic and foreign policy matters. The dissertation examines how during the 1970s many religious conservatives believed that the United States had entered a period of spiritual decline. This view had a direct impact on their foreign policy views because they connected their perception of this domestic moral decay with their fears concerning what they saw as America's international decline during this same period. The dissertation discusses the specific foreign policy views of religious conservatives on issues such as defense spending, nuclear buildup, détente, foreign aid, and the end of the Cold War. It also describes how those in the Religious Right worked to find common cause with other groups within the growing conservative coalition. An analysis of their specific views demonstrates that religious conservatives often used their views on foreign-policy issues as ways to build stronger ties with, and strengthen their position in, the conservative coalition. Finally, the dissertation shows that the religious beliefs, eschatological views, and political considerations of religious conservatives led those individuals to put great emphasis on the United States' relationship with, and support for the State of Israel throughout the Cold War. After the Cold War ended, members of the religious right continued to emphasize the importance of American-Israeli relations, partially in an effort to maintain some level of relevance and credibility on foreign policy issues, and partially because the new global war on terror realigned American international priorities in a way that once again made Israel a key ally against the "forces of evil" in the world.

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This study aims to examine the impact of and the interconnection between Twitter and Free Speech, with a focus in Swedish policy and culture, as well as the differences regarding Jack Dorsey’s versus Elon Musk’s management of Twitter Inc. An analysis based in conceptual history examines the utilization of Freedom of Speech through the ages which is then complemented by a Critical discourse analysis of Twitter and the culture wars being waged in Sweden. The usage of Bourdieu’s Forms of Capital and his ideas about fast-thinking and invisible censorship is used to illuminate the ways of which Twitter is being used as well as theway Twitter is, in return, using its user base. This study shows that Twitter lacks traditional accountability usually afforded media companies who are in the business of publicizing information and public opinion. This lack of accountability has led to the misuse and abusive way which Free Speech is being utilized on Twitter, with evidence based in the Swedish culture wars

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The focus of this study was the organizational working environment and existing partisanship evident in the United States Congress. There has been a reduction in the number of laws passed over the last 30 years from a high of over 1,000 to a low of around 120, with a period of complete government shutdown in 2013. This qualitative research utilized qualitative content analysis to discover the nature of partisan conflict as demonstrated by 6 members of Congress. The conceptual framework for this study was moral foundations theory. Different moral principles held by Democrats and Republicans were studied as a possible explanation for the inability of one end of the political spectrum to identify with, work with, and comprehend the belief systems of the other. Archival video data for each participant was viewed on C-Span and related transcripts were analyzed using qualitative content analysis. Emerging themes were then inductively coded in order to understand the nature of the partisan conflict in Congress. Results demonstrate that Republicans and Democrats rely on different sets of moral foundations and that there is limited crossover between those who occupy the extreme ends of the ideological continuum. This lack of crossover essentially leads members with differing ideology and moral foundations to not comprehend the moral message of their opponents. With this knowledge, political strategists can help to develop communication and political approaches that take into consideration the moral foundations of ideological opponents. Social change implications include improved understanding of the ideological stance of members of the opposing party and improved working relationships in Congress, resulting in an organizational working environment that is less conflicted.

abstract: This thesis is an art-historical inquiry into the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) and its controversies in the 1990s. A socio-economic model of instrumentalization of the arts based on Pierre Bourdieu's and David Throsby's conceptualizations of cultural capital is first developed. The model is then used to explore the notion of "congressional aesthetics," or a particular brand of arts-instrumentalization adopted by the U.S. Congress for post-WWII federal projects involving art, and two cases of its implementation. The first case is the successful implementation of congressional aesthetics in the instrumentalization of the arts in Sino-American cultural diplomacy during the Cold War. The kind of American art in the 1950s enabled the successful implementation of congressional aesthetics. The opposite case is then investigated: the failed implementation of congressional aesthetics in the operation of the NEA in the 1980s. Specifically, the NEA controversies of the 1990s can be traced to the agency's failure to conform to congressional aesthetics. Failed congressional aesthetics also results largely from the type of American art being produced in the 1980s. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Art 2015

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-07T13:19:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 roneydeseixasandrade.pdf: 2043362 bytes, checksum: f07ce08899e9bc5e6716764db3bbcd68 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-13T13:14:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 roneydeseixasandrade.pdf: 2043362 bytes, checksum: f07ce08899e9bc5e6716764db3bbcd68 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T13:14:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 roneydeseixasandrade.pdf: 2043362 bytes, checksum: f07ce08899e9bc5e6716764db3bbcd68 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar o discurso dos principais autores neoateístas, a partir de um ponto de vista que considera o neoateísmo como um movimento atual que, diferentemente do ateísmo tradicional, tem uma pauta que não é apenas filosófica, mas também decididamente político-cultural. Ele emerge em reação aos eventos que marcaram o atentado ao World Trade Center, em 2001, e particularmente, em reação ao ressurgimento e à crescente influência cultural e política do neofundamentalismo cristão nos Estados Unidos, a partir da década de 1970. Na percepção dos neoateístas a religião está se tornando uma força politicamente organizada em ascensão, dentro e fora dos EUA, e que na avaliação desses atores pode ser definida como perigosa, destrutiva e irracional, haja vista as ações da direita religiosa norte-americana, as ações dos extremistas radicais islâmicos, e por fim, o próprio 11 de setembro de 2001. Os autores aqui analisados entendem que a postura neoateísta é crítica e renovadora. Em nossa avaliação, todavia, esta postura, apesar de se diferenciar dos ateísmos tradicionais, constitui o que entendemos ser um “neofundamentalismo secularista” cujos promotores também veiculam ideias efetivamente radicais no atual contexto político-cultural norte-americano caracterizado, como assinala James Hunter, por verdadeira guerra de culturas. / This thesis aims to analyze the discourse of the main new atheists authors, from a viewpoint that considers new atheism as a current movement that, unlike traditional atheism, has an agenda that is not only philosophical but also decidedly political and cultural. It emerges as a reaction to the terrorist attacks to the World Trade Center in 2001, and particularly in response to the resurgence and increasing cultural and political influence of Christian Neo-fundamentalism in the United States starting in the 1970’s. In the perception of new atheists, religion is becoming a politically organized force on the rise both within and outside the US, and that the evaluation of these actors can be defined as dangerous, destructive and irrational, given the actions of the US religious right, the actions of radical extremists Islamic, and finally, the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001. The authors analyzed here understand the new atheist posture as critical and refreshing. In our assessment, however, this stance despite being different from traditional atheism is what we understand to be a "Neo-secularist-fundamentalisms" whose promoters also convey effectively radical ideas in the current North American political-cultural context characterized, as noted by James Hunter, by a real culture war.

It seems as of late the most acclaimed advertising campaigns have found a formula to commodify the politically correct through what has come to be described as “woke advertising”. This winning strategy has won public appeal for connecting with an ever-evolving audience that is young, diverse and liberal. Specifically, newcomer agency, Anomaly, has publicly proclaimed themselves as the “change-agent” in the space of advertising, capitalizing on the culture wars by positioning themselves as the leading advertising experts in challenging societal stereotypes and biases. This is a case study that explores one of Anomaly’s 2016 campaigns for Johnnie Walker, “Keep Walking America”, as they attempt to engage in cultural politics with the Latinx community during a period of heightened political tension for immigrant populations. Through a Social Semiotics analysis and postcolonial criticism, the focus of this thesis is to explore how Johnnie Walker leveraged woke capital and consequently attempted to represent the lived experiences of marginalized groups whose stories are generally silenced.

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Relationships between the terms culture and education are often taken for granted in educational research. This study challenges some of the taken for granted assumptions around the term culture in educational contexts, particularly in secondary language arts education. It examines these assumptions through an analysis of three debates from the contemporary culture wars in education. The implications of these debates on uses of the term culture in secondary language arts education are examined through Othello as a secondary school text. I am arguing that these debates, namely, on the literary canon, multicultural education, and cultural literacy, represent intractable conflicts over definitions of the term culture. In light of these conflicts, the aim of this study is to provide language arts educators with analytical tools for developing greater theoretical rigour when defining the term culture in language arts education. Drawing on recent theoretical writings on culture, concepts of cultural capital, cultural rights, and cultural reproduction are proposed as analytical tools. I then apply these to develop a methodological approach by which to structure my analysis of Othello as a school text. The study makes a theoretical contribution by bringing into sharper focus ways in which the ideological opposition between expressions of cultural right versus cultural left perspectives is articulated in language arts education, as well as illustrating that claims about culture in the canon debate reflect competing normative assumptions; in the multicultural education debate they reflect competing essentialist constructions; and in the cultural literacy debate they reflect competing empowerment goals. Such cultural debates have a long history and thus the study also situates the contemporary culture wars in education within a wider historical context by tracing related conflicts in the history of literary criticism on and performances of Othello over the past four centuries.