Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Matheus Oliva da Costa.pdf: 3007182 bytes, checksum: 089b6d6277e0722b7179d86bba7a7583 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-26 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Daoism is a religion of Chinese origins that since the 19th century started to have contact with the Brazilian culture, beneath the Orientalism force. Since the second half of the 20th century, we see a second wave of Daoism spread, albeit indirectly. In the 1970s the Wǔ family Wu Jyh Cherng within them (Wǔ Zhìchéng) migrates from Taiwan to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. In the 1990s, this Taiwanese naturalized Brazilian priest of the Celestial Masters Way founded the Daoist Society of Brazil (Sociedade Taoísta do Brasil - STB) along Brazilians, and later the Daoist Society in São Paulo (Sociedade Taoísta SP - ST-SP), which is our object of study. The goal here was to analyze the Daoism transplant process in Brazil through the STB and ST-SP. In addition to a systematization of the authors regarding the transplantation of religions theory, we were based on the theory of cultural hybridization, and a set of interpreters of Brazilian culture and Brazilian religion. We created the central hypothesis that in the STB and ST-SP the Daoism would be increasingly a hybrid result of the Brazilian religious matrix and an ideal model of Daoist linked to China. Methodologically, we conducted an extensive and constant literature review, and we refer to primary printed sources, virtual and audiovisual sources, participatory research, semi-structured interviews and informal conversations. With these data, we performed an analysis using the theoretical framework, which allowed us to confirm the central hypothesis. We also wove systematic contributions on: the presence and the type of Daoism entry in Brazil, identification of socio-historical phases of STB and ST-SP, and several observations about the process and results of transplantation of this Daoist group, such as the accommodation of the Brazilian religious demands on the liturgical rituals of these institutions / O Daoismo é uma religião de origem chinesa que desde o século XIX começa a ter contatos com a cultura brasileira, sob vigor do orientalismo. Desde a segunda metade do século XX observamos uma segunda onda de difusão do Daoismo, ainda indireta. Na década de 1970 a família Wǔ, dentro eles Wu Jyh Cherng (Wǔ Zhìchéng), migra de Taiwan ao Brasil, no Rio de Janeiro. Nos anos 1990, este taiwanês abrasileirado, sacerdote do Caminho dos Mestres Celestiais, fundou junto com brasileiros a Sociedade Taoísta do Brasil (STB), e, mais tarde, a Sociedade Taoísta em São Paulo (ST-SP), nossos objetos de estudo. O objetivo aqui foi analisar o processo de transplantação do Daoismo ao Brasil através da STB e ST-SP. Além de uma sistematização dos autores da teoria da transplantação das religiões, nos fundamentamos na teoria da hibridação cultural, e num conjunto de intérpretes da cultura e religião brasileira. Criamos a hipótese central de que na STB e ST-SP o Daoismo seria cada vez mais um resultado híbrido da matriz religiosa brasileira e de um modelo ideal de daoista ligado à China. Metodologicamente, realizamos uma vasta e constante revisão bibliográfica, e nos servimos de fontes primárias impressas, virtuais e audiovisuais, pesquisa participativa, entrevistas semiestruturadas e conversas informais. Com os dados obtidos, realizamos uma análise através do quadro teórico, o que permitiu comprovar a hipótese central. Também tecemos contribuições sistematizadas sobre: presença e tipologia da entrada do Daoismo no Brasil, identificação de fases sócio-históricas da STB e ST-SP, e diversas observações acerca do processo e dos resultados da transplantação desse grupo daoista, como a acomodação da demanda religiosa brasileira nos rituais litúrgicos das instituições

Chinese people, like those of many other cultures, understand themselves as belonging to a specific gender, one with social rules and positions that can be difficult to stray from. Such gender norms have existed in China for millennia. There are a number of ways to examine what these gender norms are (or have been), and a number of ways in which one can understand how they dictated the lives of the Chinese people they defined. The present thesis is a translation and study of two Chinese hagiographical collections from the late Song or early Yuan Dynasty. These collections detail the exploits of Daoist transcendents. The first collection translated is concerned with male transcendents, the second with female transcendents. In translating these texts, I seek to understand how gender is portrayed in the lives of exceptional religious figures. As an examination of gender within a patriarchal—or at least male-dominant—society, I expected the female transcendents to be relegated, somehow, to a lesser station. Through my translations I argue that, though they could not wholly extricate themselves from gender norms, religious Daoism, as portrayed in the hagiographies, offered both men and women from certain social obligations. These social obligations include such institutions as marriage and reproduction (for both men and women). The hagiographies also depict a greater sense of equality for Daoist women than they might have found otherwise. At its most ambitious, Narrating Transcendents serves to demonstrate the multivalent function of hagiographies as tools religious communities used to define and guide themselves. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

本文從對環境危機的關懷切入，討論人類中心論如何造成人類對大自然的恣意剝削與破壞，包括基督教義、理性主義、機械世界觀等等，使人類將自然界當作實現個人利益的工具。隨之而起的是「生態中心的轉向」，人類逐漸把自己看做是更大尺度主體的一份子，大自然本身應該是一個具備自我組織與生發能力的有機體，其中每一個組成份子都有其價值與意義。 生態中心論包括大地倫理學、深層生態學及蓋婭理論，其對於大自然與人類的觀點，以及環境倫理的看法，與中國的道家哲學十分相近。於是本文接著從道家思想中，闡明其與生態中心論共通之處。最終得出三個要點，堪做為環境教育的啟示： 1.人應領悟到自身與大自然之間密不可分的關係，並且尋回其間的連結。 2.人應有充分的機會體驗這種連結，並致力回復大自然運作的規律。 3.人應努力實踐自身與大自然的共生；達到逍遙無為的和諧自由之境。 從這三點出發，筆者認為一切的環境教育與環保作為，在知其然之外，更重要的是知其所以然。人既然與自然性本一體，就應該從這一點出發建構環境教育的核心基礎。於是提出召喚、共鳴與覺醒的三個步驟。 召喚原則對應的是人是否具備真誠面對自身生命狀態的品質；而在教育原理中，必須重視啟發性的原則，透過故事、感動的經驗、美好的圖像、與大自然親密的互動等等，喚起個體內在與大自然的本來連結。 第二步驟，是讓個體盡可能地經驗大自然與人類之間密不可分的關係，以及大自然如何以極度的包容性與豐富性，含納萬物。其中對應到的人性品質是「愛」，一種一體感與連結感的體驗。體驗性是其中必要的教育原則。 最後，在了悟天人合一、物我和諧的真相之後，個體便可以達到充分認識自己與自然、以及界限所在的「覺醒」狀態，其中隱含的人性品質為「自由」。儘管自由是不易達到的，但個體在覺醒的狀況下實踐自身最大的利益，亦是充滿意義的奮鬥過程；也因此，到了這一步，環境教育可以真正讓一個置身大自然中的人類，清楚而堅定地為保護環境獻身。 整體而言，本文嘗試建構一個環境教育的進路，使自然中的小生命，回歸到生命與自然的真實面貌，並從此一更深廣的本質出發，以達到最終生命意義的實現。而第五章討論之華德福教育中的環境教育觀，亦為本文之結論提供旁證。 / To look for a proper approach of environmental education, through concerning recent worldly crisis, the study take three aspects of seeing the relation between human beings and the nature, as the source of homo-centrism. They are Christian, Rationalism and mechanical paradigm of science. Composite to the points of human-centrism, eco-centrism, including “land ethics”, “deep ecology” and “Gaia theory”, arose as a reflection to see the nature as more holistic and lively system. The ancient Chinese philosophy, Daoism, corresponds eco-centrism on a higher and more self-realizing level. These two theories, eco-centrism and Daoism, both dedicate an approach of environmental education to the common nature of human and the nature itself. Only through define selfness as part of nature, human beings will take responsibility for environment. The task of education is to recall the same essence of the nature and human beings, and experience it plenty, then to reach a clear conscious of being in nature. The approach of teaching and curriculum of Waldorf Steiner school is taken as an example to reflect three concepts held by the author. These three concepts raised, initiating, experiencing and practicing, are the conclusion of this study.

Comment une communauté locale chinoise, structurée à la fois par ses transmissions patrilinéaires et taoïstes, participe-t-elle à la construction de la « modernité » ? Cette thèse montre la manière dont s’articulent et se transforment ces deux structures sociales communautaires fondamentales, afin de s’élaborer, de s’adapter et de participer au changement social de leur temps. Ce travail monographique porte en outre un regard ethnologique de plus grande échelle sur la société et l’histoire du bassin de la Xiang et de la province du Hunan : des cultes confucéens et patrilignagers rendus aux ancêtres agnatiques, du Pic du Sud (Nanyue) et des anciennes traditions rituelles, martiales et médicales taoïstes (Chunyang etQuanzhen), à leur recomposition actuelle dans le « socialisme de marché à la chinoise », après avoir traverséles premiers mouvements paysans communistes asiatiques (1927) orchestrés par Mao Zedong dans sa région natale, et la Révolution culturelle (1966-76).L’étude des mutations contemporaines du patrilignage des Chen du village de Litang, autour duquel se nouent les enjeux de pouvoir et la hiérarchisation des rôles des hommes et des femmes, ainsi que le système économique et écologique local, nous conduisentà repenser les bases mêmes sur lesquelles se construisent aujourd’hui les groupes de parenté chinois. L’analyse des mutations et des métissages entre parenté et rituel, qui se sont opérés dans le cadre du sanctuaire local des Transformations croissantes (ZenghuaGuan), institution en charge de l’organisation de la vie rituelle villageoise, montre quant à elle que la communauté de culte reste l’une des structures les plus fluides et durables de la société chinoise. / How does a local Chinese community, structured on the basis of both patrilineal and Daoist transmissions, participate in the building of “modernity”? This dissertation describes the way in which these two fundamental communal social structures are articulatedwith respect to each other, and the way in which they transform themselves in order to adapt to, and participate in, the social changes of their time. This monographic work also proposes, on a larger scale, an anthropological analysis of the society and history of the Xiang basin and Hunan province: from Confucian and patrilineal cults to agnatic kinship, as well as from ancient ritual, martial and medical Daoist traditions (Chunyang and Quanzhen), to their actual rearrangements in the “Chinese market socialism”, after having undergonethe first Communist peasant movements (1927) lead by Mao Zedong in his native region, and the Cultural Revolution (1966-76). The study of the contemporary mutations of the Chen lineage of Litang - an institution at the center of local power struggles, the hierarchization of sexual roles, and the village economy and ecology – leads us to reassert the very basison which Chinese parenthood groups elaborate themselves today. The analysisof the changes and the intermixturebetween parenthood and rituals, whichtake place in the local sanctuary of Increasing Transformations (Zenghua Guan) – an institution in charge of the local ritual life – shows that cult communitiesare one of the more fluid and sustainable structures of Chinese society.