A motivação para estudar modelos de democracia, em especial a participativa no viés deliberativo, deita raízes na conjuntura histórica compreendendo pelo menos duas décadas, em que ocorrem debates acadêmicos, lutas democráticas e movimentos sociais que vêm em alguns países nos últimos anos dando voz às reivindicações populares por mudanças nos modelos atuais de democracia, e por maior participação popular e um alargamento dos espaços públicos para discussões. Nesse contexto, o Orçamento Participativo se destaca como experiência no Brasil e em muitos países como instrumento para essas mudanças. O marco teórico escolhido foi a démarche de Jürgen Habermas. Suas digressões sobre democracia deliberativa envolvem diretamente as formulações sobre o conteúdo da esfera pública e seu reposicionamento em arranjo interno mais amplo relacionando-a com os sistemas da sociedade. A principal experiência objeto da pesquisa foi o Orçamento Participativo de Cascais, em razão do estágio de doutoramento com bolsa concedida pela CAPES no ano de 2013. / The motivation to study models of democracy, especially in participatory deliberative bias, is based on the historical context comprising at least two decades, they occur academic debates, democratic struggles and social movements that come in some countries in recent years giving voice to the claims popular for changes in current models of democracy, and greater popular participation and a broadening of public spaces for discussions. In this context, the Participatory Budget stands as experience in Brazil and in many countries as a tool for these changes. The chosen theoretical complex was the demarche of Jürgen Habermas. Their tours on deliberative democracy involve formulations directly on the contents of the public sphere and its repositioning in broader internal arrangement relating it to the systems of society. The main object of the research experience was the Participatory Budget of Cascais- PT, due to the doctoral stage with scholarship granted by CAPES in 2013.

Democratic Ethical Life and the Struggle for Recognition: AReconstruction of Hegel’s Inluence on Deliberative Democracy”. Hegel’s politicalphilosophy represents a signiicant contribution to the understanding of moderndemocracy and social dynamics. As regards modern democracy, the concept ofdemocratic ethical life presented by Wellmer allows for the integration of equalsubjective rights and citizen participation in a deliberative culture that illsdemocracy with citizen vitality without going against individual liberties. As forsocial dynamics, they can be explained by the need for reciprocal recognition asthe key to the constitution of subjectivity, which explains the moral motivation inthe struggles of social groups. Both concepts are closely interwoven because thestruggle for recognition allows for an explanation of the dynamics of democraticethical life. Thus, democratic ethical life and the struggle for recognition, asinterwoven concepts, offer two key notions for the solution of some of the obstacleswith which contemporary political philosophy must deal. / La ilosofía política de Hegel ofrece una signiicativa contribución parala explicación de la democracia moderna y de la dinámica social. En el primercaso, el concepto de eticidad democrática, que Wellmer postula, permite integrarderechos subjetivos iguales y la participación ciudadana en una cultura deliberativaque dota a la democracia de vitalidad ciudadana sin violentar libertadesindividuales. En el segundo caso, la dinámica social puede ser explicada a partirde la necesidad de reconocimiento recíproco como clave de la constitución de lasubjetividad, que explica la motivación moral de las luchas de los grupos sociales.Ambos conceptos se encuentran internamente ligados ya que la lucha porel reconocimiento permite explicar la dinámica de una eticidad democrática. Deesta forma, eticidad democrática y lucha por el reconocimiento, en tanto conceptosinternamente ligados, ofrecen dos claves conceptuales para la solución dealgunos de los bloqueos que debe enfrentar la ilosofía política contemporánea.

A discussão contemporânea sobre a organização de uma sociedade política que estabeleça princípios normativos visando à legitimação do Estado de direito está no epicentro da fundamentação das teorias de democracia deliberativa. Assim, indagaremos sobre a estruturação de mecanismos constitucionais que possibilitem o exercício dos direitos políticos para a formação da opinião pública. A tese a ser defendida é que há pontos problemáticos na teoria deliberativa de Habermas que dificultam a sua aplicação na práxis social. O que observamos é a necessidade do estabelecimento de mecanismos para a defesa dos cidadãos perante a forma instrumental por meio da qual os sistemas sociais operam na sociedade capitalista tardia. Por isso, com o auxílio da teoria de democracia contestatória e a concepção de liberdade republicana, apresentadas por Pettit, almejamos salvaguardar os princípios discursivos da teoria habermasiana de democracia e, ao mesmo tempo, possibilitar uma ampliação no processo de reconstrução normativa e discursiva do Estado democrático de direito. A teoria republicana de liberdade como não-dominação nos oferece um estratagema para escapar da aporia na qual as teorias contemporâneas de democracia deliberativa encontram-se aprisionadas, em particular, no que se refere à finalidade de equilibrar a força de legitimação do poder comunicativo e a sua influência na formatação do aparelho administrativo-estatal. / The contemporary discussion on the organization of a political society to establish normative principles aimed at legitimizing the rule of law is at the epicenter of the grounds of deliberative democracy theories. Therefore, we inquire on structuring constitutional mechanisms that enable the exercise of political rights for the formation of public opinion. The thesis to be defended is that there are trouble spots in the deliberative theory of Habermas that hinder their implementation in social praxis. What we observe is the need to establish mechanisms for the protection of citizens before the instrumental means by which social system operate in late capitalist society. Therefore, with the help of contestatory democracy theory and the design of republican liberty, presented by Pettit, we aim to safeguard the discursive principles of Habermas\' theory of democracy and at the same time, enabling an expansion in the process of normative and discursive reconstruction of the democratic state of law. The republican theory of freedom as non-domination gives us a ploy to escape quandary in which contemporary theories of deliberative democratic are trapped in particular as regards the purpose of balancing the legitimacy under power communicative and their influence in shaping the administrative-state apparatus.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:22:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VERSAO FINAL DISS MARCELO IGOR DE SOUSA.pdf: 2562198 bytes, checksum: 1cfa0fd60439cdd1449fc8705608b64a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-21 / The purpose of this research is to investigate the user participation in the websites e-Democracia and Votenaweb, from the theoretical standpoint of deliberation and online conversation. The online participation has its both its advanced by the possibilities of tools, but retains problems of access and quality of participation, lack of engagement and disinterest in political discussions. The research is developed through a descriptive evaluation of sites, a content analysis of citizen participation and a comparison between the particularities of each site. This dissertation shows that, in general, the sites carry, through their tools, the role of bringing citizen closer the legislative process, whether in an informal way, closer to conversational processes, as in the case of Votenaweb, or in more formal and argumentative ways, as in the case of e-Democracia. To a lesser extent, the sites play also a role in tightening the gap between citizens and their elected representatives. Regarding the content of the comments, different categories are identified as essential elements of deliberative democracy, in order to identify it´s different and possible levels, as well as the determination of actions mediated by the tools provided by the examined media devices, noting also to which extent that kind of participation contributes - or could contribute - to citizenship. About the comparison are shown the differences between the two sites, aspects that are inferred from primary difference between them: the fact that an experiment has been organized by the society, Votenaweb, and another organized by the State, in case the e-Democracia responsibility of the Chamber of Deputies. It analyzes the possibilities and limitations of the tools, in addition to meeting the targets proposed in its objectives. The research points to a finding of supply, in both sites, significant potential of participatory tools, but that, in fact, the uses of these tools and levels of interaction between the participants are still unsatisfactory. Finally, other elements are highlighted: the need for political and administrative structures more porous and the indication that institutional and non-institutional sites should act in a complementary way to participate in this offer, due to the different dynamic languages, public access and interference in the field political. / O propósito desta pesquisa é realizar um estudo da participação pública realizada nos sites e-Democracia e Votenaweb, a partir dos referenciais teóricos de deliberação e conversação online. A participação online tem seus avanços pelas possibilidades de ferramentas, mas conserva problemas de acesso e de qualidade de participação, de falta de engajamento e desinteresse por discussões políticas. A pesquisa se desenvolve por meio de uma avaliação descritiva dos sites, uma análise do teor dos conteúdos das participações cidadãs e de uma comparação entre as particularidades de cada site. Esta dissertação mostra que, de forma geral, os sites cumprem, por meio de suas ferramentas, o papel de aproximar o cidadão do processo legislativo, seja de um modo informal e mais próximo do conversacional, no Votenaweb, ou mais formal e argumentativo, no e-Democracia. Em menor proporção, os sites cumprem um papel de aproximarem os cidadãos de seus representantes eleitos. Nos conteúdos dos comentários, são identificadas categorias a partir de elementos essenciais da democracia deliberativa, com o objetivo de identificar níveis, os quais sejam possíveis, de deliberação nas ações mediadas pelas ferramentas apresentadas pelos dispositivos midiáticos em questão, destacando também em que circunstância essa participação contribui ou pode contribuir para a cidadania. Sobre a comparação, são apresentadas as diferenças entre os dois sites, aspectos que se depreendem da diferença principal entre eles: o fato de uma experiência ter sido organizada pela sociedade, Votenaweb, e outra organizada pelo Estado, no caso, o e-Democracia, de responsabilidade da Câmara dos Deputados. São analisadas as possibilidades e limitações das ferramentas, além do cumprimento das metas propostas em seus objetivos. A pesquisa aponta para uma constatação de oferta, em ambos os sites, de ferramentas de significativo potencial participativo, mas que, de fato, os usos dessas ferramentas e os níveis de interação entre os participantes ainda são insatisfatórios. Por fim, outros elementos ressaltados são: a necessidade de estruturas político-administrativa mais porosas e a indicação de que sites institucionais e não institucionais devem atuar de forma complementar nessa oferta de participação, devido às diferentes dinâmicas de linguagens, acesso ao público e interferência no campo político.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-02T18:41:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ludmilamarianoronhasouza.pdf: 684066 bytes, checksum: 7cdd64db27e0581a2ec9a8f3505f7c76 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-02T13:18:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ludmilamarianoronhasouza.pdf: 684066 bytes, checksum: 7cdd64db27e0581a2ec9a8f3505f7c76 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-02T13:18:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ludmilamarianoronhasouza.pdf: 684066 bytes, checksum: 7cdd64db27e0581a2ec9a8f3505f7c76 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-16 / Investiga-se a aplicação do conceito habermasiano de esfera pública e suas adequações para a consolidação da democracia e para o exercício da cidadania. Verifica-se a base dos princípios da democracia deliberativa na fundamentação de um espaço social de formação de uma opinião pública que tenha poder de intervenção no cenário sociopolítico brasileiro. Analisa-se o caso da Lei da Ficha Limpa e sua repercussão com ênfase no campo comunicacional da internet. Conclui-se que a internet é uma importante ferramenta para uma nova formatação do conceito de esfera pública e sua influência no exercício democrático brasileiro. / Investigate the concept of Habermas’ application of public sphere and it’s appropriateness for the consolidation of democracy and the exercise of citizenship. Verify the basis of the principles of deliberative democracy in the grounds of a social space for forming a public opinion that has the power to intervene in the brazilian sociopolitical scenario. Analyze the case of Ficha Limpa’s law and it’s consequences with emphasis in the field of internet communication. Conclude that the internet is an important tool for formatting a new concept of public sphere and its influence on brazilian democratic exercise.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-28T13:44:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ludmilamarianoronhasouza.pdf: 684066 bytes, checksum: 7cdd64db27e0581a2ec9a8f3505f7c76 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-13T15:47:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ludmilamarianoronhasouza.pdf: 684066 bytes, checksum: 7cdd64db27e0581a2ec9a8f3505f7c76 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T15:47:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ludmilamarianoronhasouza.pdf: 684066 bytes, checksum: 7cdd64db27e0581a2ec9a8f3505f7c76 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-16 / Investiga-se a aplicação do conceito habermasiano de esfera pública e suas adequações para a consolidação da democracia e para o exercício da cidadania. Verifica-se a base dos princípios da democracia deliberativa na fundamentação de um espaço social de formação de uma opinião pública que tenha poder de intervenção no cenário sociopolítico brasileiro. Analisa-se o caso da Lei da Ficha Limpa e sua repercussão com ênfase no campo comunicacional da internet. Conclui-se que a internet é uma importante ferramenta para uma nova formatação do conceito de esfera pública e sua influência no exercício democrático brasileiro. / Investigate the concept of Habermas’ application of public sphere and it’s appropriateness for the consolidation of democracy and the exercise of citizenship. Verify the basis of the principles of deliberative democracy in the grounds of a social space for forming a public opinion that has the power to intervene in the brazilian sociopolitical scenario. Analyze the case of Ficha Limpa’s law and it’s consequences with emphasis in the field of internet communication. Conclude that the internet is an important tool for formatting a new concept of public sphere and its influence on brazilian democratic exercise.

There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and a number of surveys shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people. This thesis is a critical study of EU’s communication with the citizens until 2005. Based on Habermas’s theoroetical framework, it searches for deliberative qualities within the EU’s structure. According to Habermas, political legitimacy requires that people can shape and express their opinions in a public sphere, but the EU does not really have a public sphere. He also emphasizes the importance of good channels of communication between people and politicians, but within the EU, communication has been synonymous with information (or marketing) and practically unilateral. This leads to the conclusion that the EU’s lack of deliberative qualities can have affected EU’s political legitimacy negatively.

In the last decade, anthropogenic climate change has caused strong impacts on natural and human systems worldwide. It is of particular importance to include youths in the international decision-making process centred on climate change as they represent the closest living relatives to future generations. Therefore they need to have a say in the decisions affecting their future. Different schools of thought defined characteristics for ideal communication in these political decision-making arenas. The most contradicting theories are on one hand deliberative democrats who favour dialogic and consensus-based proceedings and on the other hand proponents of agonistic pluralism who prefer the conflictual elements of force and disruption in communication processes. The aim of this study is to explore synergies and intersections between both in theory contradicting paths. The study follows a case study design of the international climate change negotiations COP22 in Marrakech 2016. The data collection process involved empirical observations and semi-structured interviews with 30 international youth participants as to their experiences of participating in proceedings, petitioning politicians, and protesting outside venues. The results of this study show that young people concurrently navigate between formal deliberative proceedings and informal agonistic approaches, taking advantage of their underacknowledged positive cumulative and complementing effects. The interplay between both paths stimulates meaningful involvement for youths at the conference and within the climate change social movement. Youths navigating simultaneously between both paths are shown to have both insider knowledge about the vulnerabilities of the system and outsider knowledge providing enough distance to criticise the proceedings. Thus, these youths have the best merits to meaningfully involve in the decision making and successfully introduce change. The process of enculturation to the norms and procedural rules of the conference contributes to the level of meaningful youth involvement and determines the participation path chosen. Moreover, the results outline that the influence of each path in the decision-making process and the definition of meaningful involvement varies with the arena in which it is executed. Whereas meaningful involvement for deliberative inclined youths can be best described through a shared power youth-adult participation, youths following the agonistic path seek meaningful involvement through emotion work and empowerment expressed in direct actions and protest.

This thesis discusses the Indignados movement, which arose in Spain in 2011, in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. It makes the observation that the Indignados, and many other movements similar to it (like Occupy Wall Street, the Arab Spring, or the Global Justice Movement), gather large amounts of people, but are still struggling to be recognised as political subjects, as influential forces in the political environment. Many times, they are criticised for being too dispersed or too emotional, and lacking the cohesiveness to formulate concrete political aims. The Indignados can therefore be seen as challenging democracy and how political subjectivity is accorded, both in theory and practice. This leads this thesis to inquire into some of the theoretical underpinnings of democracy, and in particular political subjectivity. Its main research question is therefore: Can the Indignados spur a new reading of democracy?To further understand how we can conceive of the political subjectivity of an emotional and dispersed protest movement, this thesis turns to two approaches, social movement theory as well as deliberative democratic theory. After having examined extant literature on the matter, the thesis concludes that both of these approaches employ a distinct separation between emotion and reason, where political subjectivity is almost always hinged upon the latter. In addition, affect is seen as disjointed from signification, and therefore from political articulation. In order to circumvent this theoretical stalemate, this thesis turns to theories of radical democracy, and more specifically to the works of Ernesto Laclau. It argues that Laclau’s juxtaposition of Lacanian psychoanalysis and Derridian deconstruction opens up possibilities for a form of political subjectivity based on affect instead of reason alone. As such, Laclau’s theory of hegemony can shed light on those instances where affect and emotions play a central part in the creation of political subjectivity. In analysing Laclau’s theory, I respond to different analytical challenges that question the viability of explaining movements such as the Indignados through a theory of hegemony. Current observations point to that contemporary movements are not hegemonic (which place too much emphasis on verticality), but rather horizontal and networked. In order to address this critique, this thesis constructs a framework of the hegemonic project. This framework emphasises two commonly overlooked features of Laclau’s theory: the affective and transient nature of hegemony, which stresses the connection between affect and signification. Through two sets of empirical data – ethnographic fieldwork material and social media analysis – the thesis shows how the Indignados exhibit clear instances of verticality, albeit of an affective nature. This hegemonic, affective verticality speaks of two ways in which the movement can construct political subjectivity: viscerally (through unity in affective practices) and virtually (through social media).

I Malmö stads översiktsplan fastslås en ambition om att i högre grad involvera medborgare i planeringen för att göra staden mer jämlik och socialt hållbar, samtidigt som planeringen kan bli mer effektiv när planer kan förankras genom att involvera medborgare i ett tidigt skede. Men för att involvera medborgare i planeringen, i ett tidigt stadie, krävs det att det görs ansatser som går utöver de lagliga krav som Plan- och Bygglagen ställer på planförfarandet om medborgerligt demokratiskt inflytande. Denna ansats benämner Malmö stad som fördjupad delaktighet. Men vad som ingår i de ansatser som går utöver lagens krav och möjligheterna för hur medborgare kan påverka planeringen, kan variera från en planprocess till en annan. Hur Malmö stad arbetar med att involvera medborgare med metoder som går utöver lagens krav ämnar denna studie studera. Detta har undersökts med en fallstudie som har studerat ett aktivt planeringsprojekt i Bunkeflostrand i Malmö. Fallstudien har kompletterats med en dokumentstudie samt en intervju som har genomförs med en nyckelaktör i planeringsprojektet, med ansvar för medborgardialog. Denna inhämtade information har sedan analyserats med hjälp av teorier som har sin grund i deliberativ demokratiteori, medborgarmakt, demokratiska innovationer och kommunikativ planeringsteori. Genom denna analys har vi identifierat att medborgare ges en större möjlighet att delta i planprocessen, men att detta inte översätts till att medborgare ges en medbestämmanderätt. Hur medborgares åsikter överförs till planarbetet försvåras av planutformningens teknokratiska natur, vilket innebär att det medborgerliga inflytandet kräver stöd från andra aktörer för att kunna förverkligas. / Malmö municipality’s general plan states an ambition to involve citizens, to a higher degree, in city planning to make the city more equitable and socially sustainable. By involving citizens in planning, it can become more effective when plans are thoroughly anchored with citizens at an early stage. But in order to involve citizens at an early stage in planning, it is necessary for city planning to make efforts that go beyond the legal requirements that Plan- och Bygglagen imposes on the planning procedure for civic democratic influence. This effort is defined in Malmö Municipality’s’ general plan as deepened participation. But what is included in the efforts that go beyond the requirements of the law and the possibilities for how citizens can influence planning can vary from one planning process to another. The purpose of this study is to understand how Malmö Municipality works to involve citizens with methods that go beyond the requirements of the law. This has been investigated with a case study that has examined an active planning project in Bunkeflostrand in Malmö Municipality. The case study has been supplemented by a document study as well as an interview conducted with a key employee in the planning project, responsible for citizen dialogue. This information has then been analyzed with the help of theories based on deliberative democracy theory, citizen power, democratic innovations, and communicative planning theory. Through this analysis, we have identified that citizens are given a greater opportunity to participate in the planning process, but that this is not translated into giving citizens a right of co-decision. How citizens' opinions are transferred to planning work is complicated by the technocratic nature of plan making, which means that civic influence requires support from other stakeholders to be realized.